Skip to main content
Internet Archive's 25th Anniversary Logo

Full text of "The story of the Woman's Party"

See other formats

^<:V•|3<^:(^' , 





Susan H, Douglass, 

Cornell Unlvantty Library 
JK1901.I72 SB 


3 1924 030 480 556 

Cornell University 

The original of tliis book is in 
tlie Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

Photo Copr. Edmcnston Studio, Washington, D. C. 

Alice Paul. 
Taken the Day Before She Went to Prison. 










" But with such women consecrating their lives failure 
is impossible." 

Lait words spoken in public 
hy Susan B. Anthont- — 
her birthday, 1906. 

" Most of those who worked with me in the early 
years have gone. I am here for a little time only and 
my place will be filled as theirs was filled. The fight 
must not cease; you must see that it does not stop." 

Susan B. Anthony. 




I. Intboduction ... 

II. Alice PAtn, , 

III. Alice Paul and Lucy Buens 

IV. F Stbeet and the Eably Days . 
^ V. Making the Fedbbal Amendment an Issue 
/VI. Fbebsubb on Congbess .... 
^^11. Pbessuee on the Pbesident 

yill. The Stbugole With the Rules Committee 
JX. The Fibst Appeal to the Women Votebs 
,^X. Congbess Takes up the Suffbaoe Amendment 


_ I. The Woman Votebs Appeal to the Pbesident and to 


II. The New Headquabtebs and the Middle Yeabs 
- III. The Conflict with the Jupiciaby Committee 
" IV. MoBE Pbessube on the Pbesident .... 
•^ V. Fobming the Woman's Pabty 
" VI. Still Mobe Pbessube on the Pbesident 
VII. The Second Appeal to the Women Votebs 
VIII. Hail and Faeewell 







Pebpetual Delegation 
The Pejaceful Picketing 

2. The Peaceful Reception . 

3. The Was on the Pickets 

4. The Coubt and the Pickets 

5. The Stbanoe Ladies 
Telling the Countbt 
Mobe Pbessube on Congbess 


I. The New Headquabtebs and the Latis Yeabs 311 

'^ II. Lobbying .... 317 

III. Obganizino 327 

^IV. The Fbesident Capitulates and the House Subbendebs 336 

^ V. FiOHTiNO FOB Votes in the Senate 340 

VI. BuENiNG THE Pbesident's Wobds 355 

f VII. The Fbesident Appeals to the Senate to Pass the 

Suffbage Amendment 366 

t VIII. Picketing the Senate 372 

IX. The Thibd Appeal to the Women Votebs . . 380 

^ X. The Pbesident Includes Suffbage in His Campaign 

fob Congbess 384 


XII. The Watch Fibes of Fbeedom . . . 391 

^ XIII. The Appeal to the Pbesident on His Rbtubn . . 408 

^ XrV. The Appeal to the Pbesident on His Depabtube 412 

^ XV. The Pbesident Obtains the Last Vote and Congbess 

Subbendebs 415 

--XVI. Eatification 418 

'XVII. The Last Days 464 

Index 477 


Alice Paul . Frontiapieee 


Lucy Burns at the Head of the " Prison Specialists " . . 16 
Why is the Girl from the West Getting all the Attention? Cartoon 

hy Nina Allender . 78 

The Suffragist's Dream. Cartoon by Nina Allender .... 146 

Inez MilhoUand in the Washington Parade, March 3, 1913 . . 184 
Joy Youn§ at the Inez Milholland Memorial Service . .188 

Wage Earners Picketing the White House, February, 1917 . 200 
The Thousand Pickets try vainly to Deliver Their Resolutions to 

the President, March 4, 1917 204 

A Thousand Pickets Marching Around the White House, March 

4, 1917 204 

Obeying Orders, Washington Police Arresting White House 

Pickets Before the Treasury Building 256 

The Patrol Wagon Waiting the Arrival of the Suffrage Pickets . 256 
Burning the President's Words at the Lafayette Monument, 

Washington 3S6 

A Summer Picket Line . 356 

Lucy Branham Burning the President's Words at the Lafayette 

Monument ... 364 

The Russian Envoy Banner, August, 1917 . 364 

One of the Watchfires of Freedom 396 

A Policeman Scatters the Watchflre 396 

Suffragist Rebuilding the Fire Scattered by the Police . . . 398 
The Last Suffragist Arrested. The Fire Burns On . . .398 

The Oldest and the Youngest Pickets 448 

The Flag Complete . 462 

Every Good Suffragist the Morning after Ratification. Cartoon 

hy Nina Allender 470 


1913 and 1914 


In 1912 the situation in the United States in regard to the 
enfranchisement of women was as follows: 

Agitation for an amendment to the National Constitu- 
tion had virtually ceased. Before the death of Susan B. 
Anthony in 1906, Suffragists had turned their attention to 
the States. Suffrage agitation there was persistent, vigor- 
ous, and untiring; in Washington, it was merely perfunc- 
tory. The National American Woman Suffrage Association 
maintained a Congressional Committee in Washington, but 
no Headquarters. This Committee arranged for one formal 
hearing before the Senate and the House Committee of each 
Congress. The speeches were used as propaganda mailed 
on a Congressman's frank. The Suffrage Amendment had 
never in the history of the country been brought to a vote 
in the National House of Representatives, and had only 
once, in 1887, been voted upon in the Senate. It had not 
received a favorable report from the Committee in either 
House since 1892 and had not received a report of any 
kind since 1896. Suffrage had not been debated on the 
floor of either House since 1887. In addition, the incoming 
President, Woodrow Wilson, if not actually opposed to the 
enfranchisement of women, gave no appearance of favoring 
it; the great political Parties were against it. Political 
leaders generally were unwilling to be connected with it. 
Congress lacked — it is scarcely exaggeration to say — several 
hundreds of the votes necessary to pass the Amendment. 
Last of all the majority of Suffragists did not think the 
Federal Amendment a practical possibility. They were 
entirely engrossed in State campaigns. 

On the other hand, the Suffrage movement, itself, was 



virile and vital. The fourth generation of women to espouse 
this cause were throwing themselves into the work with all 
the power and force of their able, aroused, and emancipate 
generation. The franchise had been granted in six States : 
Wyomingj^Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Washington, California. 
With the winning of Oregon, Kansas, and Arizona in 1912, 
the movement assumed a new importance in the national 
field. These victories meant that there were approximately 
two million women-voters jn the United States, that one- 
fifth of the Senate, one-seventh of the House and one-sixth 
of the electoral vote came from Suffrage States. 

It was in December, 1912, as Chairman of the Congress 
sional Committee of the National American Woman Suffrage 
Association, that Alice Paul came to Washington. 

In, the next eight years, this young woman was to bring 
into existence a new political Party of fifty thousand mem- 
bers. She was to raise over three-quarters of a million 
dollars. She was to establish a Headquarters in Washington 
that became the focus of the liberal forces of the country. 
She was to gather into her organization hundreds of de- 
voted workers ; some without pay and others with less pay 
than they coidd command at other work or with other 
organizations. She was to introduce into Suffrage agita- 
tion in the United States a policy which, though not new 
in the political arena, was new to Suffrage — ^the policy of 
holding the Party in power responsible. She was to insti- 
tute a Suffrage campaign so swift, so intensive, so com- 
pelling — and at the same time so vairied, interesting, and 
picturesque^ — that again and again it pushed the war-news 
out of the preferred position on the front pages of the 
newspapers of the United States. She was to see her Party 
blaze a purple, white, and gold trail from the east to the 
west of the United States; and from the north to the 
south. She was to see the Susan B. Anthony Amendment 
pass first the House and then the Stenate. She was to see 
thirty-seven States ratify the Amendment in less than a 


year and a half thereafter. She was to see the President 
of the United States move from a position of what seemed 
definite opposition to the Suffrage cause to an open espousal 
of it; move slowly at first but with a progress which 
gradually accelerated until he, himself, obtained the last 
Senatorial votef necessary to pass the Amendment. 

What was the training which had developed in Alice Paul 
this power and what were the qualities back of that train- 
ing, which made it possible for her to invent so masterly a 
plan, to pursue it so resistlessly? 



I watched a river of women. 
Rippling purple, white and golden, 
Stream toward the National Capitol. 

Along its border. 

Like a purple flower floating. 

Moved a young woman, worn, wraithlike. 

With eyes alight, keenly observing the marchers. 

Out there on the curb, she looked so little, so lonely; 

Few appeared even to see her; 

No one saluted her. 

Yet commander was she of the column, its leader; 
She was the spring whence arose that irresistible 

river of women 
Streaming steadily towards the National Capitol. 

Katherine Bolston Fisher, 
' The Suffragist, January IP, 1918. 

It is an interesting coincidence that the woman who bore ; 
the greatest single part in the Suffrage fight at the begin- 
ning — Susan Anthony — and the woman who bore the 
greatest single part at the end — ^Alice Paul — ^were both 

It is very difficult to get Alice Paul to talk about herself. 
She is not much interested in herself and she is interested, i 
with every atom of her, in the work she is doing. She will 
tell you, if you ask her, that she was born in Moorestown, 
New Jersey, and then her interest seems to die. She ap- 
parently does not remember herself very clearly either as a 
child or a young girl. That is not strange. So intently has 
she worked in the last eight years and so intensely has she 
lived in that work that each year seems to have erased its 
predecessor. She is absolutely concentrated on nom. I 



asked Alice Paul once what converted her to Woman Suf- 
frage. She said that she could not remember when she did 
not believe in it. Shs added, " You know the Quakers have 
always believed in Woman Suffrage." 

Anne Herendeen, in a vivacious article on Alice Paul in 
Everybody's Magazine for October, 1919, says, describing 
a visit to Moorestown: 

"What do you think of all these goings-on?" I asked her 
mother. She sighed. 

" Well, Mr. Paul always used to say, when there was any- 
thing hard and disagreeable to be done, ' I bank on Alice.' " 

The degree of education in Alice Paul's life and the 
amount of social service which she had performed are a little 
staggering in view of her youth. Just the list of the degrees 
she achieved and the positions she held before she started 
the National Woman's Party covers a typewritten page. 
They have even an unexpected international quality. One 
notes first — and without undue astonishment — that she ac- 
quired a B.A. at Swarthmore in 1905; an M.A. at the 
University of Pennsylvania in 1907; a Ph.D. at the same 
university in 1912. This would seem enough to fill the 
educational leisure of most young women, but it does not 
by any means complete Alice Paul's student career. She 
was a graduate of the New York School of Philanthropy in 
1906. She was a student at the Woodbrooke Settlement for 
Social Work at Woodbrooke, Birmingham, and in the Uni- 
versity of Birmingham, England, in 1907-08; a graduate 
student in sociology and economics in the School of Eco- 
nomics of the University of London in 1908-09. 

She was, in addition, a Resident Worker of. the New York 
College Settlement in 1905-06 ; a Visitor for the New York 
Charity Organization Society in the summer of 1906; a 
Worker in the Summer Lane Settlement, and a Visitor in 
the Charity Organization Society of Birmingham, England, 
during the winter of 1907-08; Assistant-secretary to the 
Pitlston Branch of the Charity Organization Society in 


London for a half year in 1908; a Visitor for the Peel 
Institute for Social Work at Clerkenwell, London, for a half 
year in 1908-09 ; a Resident Worker for the Christian Social 
Union Settlement of Hoxton, London, in the summer of 
1908. She was also in charge of the Women's Department 
of the branch of adult schools at Hoxton in the summer 
of 1908. 

I asked Mabel Vernon, who went to Swarthmore with 
her, about Alice Paul. Her impressions were a little vague 
— mainly of a normal, average young girl who had not yet 
begun to " show." She remembered that, although biology 
was her specialty, Miss Paul was catholic in her choice of 
courses; how — as though it were something she expected to 
need — she took a great deal of Latin; and that — as though 
at the urge of the same intuition — she devoted herself to 
athletics. She had apparently no athletic gifts ; yet before 
she left Swarthmore she was on the girls' varsity basketball 
team, was on her own class hockey team, and had taken 
third place in the women's tennis tournament. She was a 
rosy, rounded, vigorous-looking girl then. When Mabel 
Vernon saw her next, she had been hunger-striking in Eng^ 
land and was thin to the point of emaciation. 

I asked Alice Paul herself about her work with the poor 
in England. She said, looking back on it — and it is ap- 
parently always a great effort for her to remove her mental 
vision from the present demand — ^that her main impression 
was of the hopelessness of it all, that there seemed nothing 
to do but sweep all that poverty away. The thing that she 
remembers especially now is that they were always burying 

The first great, outstanding fact of Alice Paul's training 
is that in the English interregnum which divided her Ameri- 
can education, she joined the Pankhurst forces. In the 
beginning all her work was of the passive kind. She attended 
meetings and ushered. She was about to go home; indeed 
she had bought her passage when the Pankhursts asked her 
to join a deputation to Parliament. This deputation, which 


consisted of more than a hundred women, and was led by 
Mrs. Pankhurst herself, was arrested at the entrance to 
Parliament. They were detained in the policemen's billiard 
room of the Cannon Row Police Station, the only place at 
that station large enough to hold so many women. 

The second great outstanding fact of Alice Paul's career 
in England is that she met Lucy Burns. 

Lucy Burns was born in Brooklyn. The facts of her 
education, although superficially not so multitudinous as 
those of Alice Paul, are even more impressive in point' of 
international ,guality. She was graduated from Packer 
Institute in 1899 and from Vassar College in 1902. She 
studied at Yale University in 1902-03, at the University 
of Berlin in 1906-08, at the University of Bonn in 1908-09. 
She joined the Woman's Social and Political Union of 
London in 1909 and she worked as an organizer in Edin- 
burgh and the east of Scotland in 1909-12. 

Lucy Burns thinks she first met Alice Paul at a Suffrage 
demonstration. Alice Paul thinks she first met Lucy Burns 
in that same policemen's billiard room of the Cannon Row 
Police Station, London. Both these young women remember 
their English experiences in flashes and pictures. They 
worked too hard and too militantly to keep any written 
record; and successive hardships wiped away all traces of 
their predecessors. At any rate, Alice Paul says that she 
spoke to Miss Burns because she noticed that she wore a 
little American flag. Sitting on the billiard table, they 
talked of home. Alice Paul also says that Lucy Bums, a 
student at that time of the University of Bonn in Germany, 
had come to England for a holiday. She entered the militant 
movement a few weeks after she landed and this was her 
first demonstration. 

The women were held for trial, giving bail for their ap- 
pearance. Alice Paul had engaged passage home, but she 
had to cancel it as the trial did not occur until after the 
date of her sailing. The case was appealed in the courts 
and was finally dropped by the government. 


iFrom this time on, the paths of the two girls kept cross- 
ing. Frequently, indeed, they worked together. The next 
time Alice Paul was arrested, however, Lucy Burns was not 
with her. This was at Norwich. Winston Churchill, a mem- 
ber of the cabinet, was holding a meeting. Outside, Alice 
Paul spoke at a meeting too — a protest against the govern- 
ment's stand on Woman Suifrage. On this occasion, she 
was released without being tried. At the next Suffrage 
demonstration — at Limehouse in London — ^both girls assisted. 
On this occasion, Lloyd-George was holding a meeting. 
Miss Paul and Miss Bums were arrested for trying to speak 
at a protest-meeting outside, and were sentenced to two 
weeks in Holloway Jail. They went on a hunger strike; but 
were released after five days and a half. 

After they recovered from this experience. Miss Paul and 
Miss Bums motored to Scotland with Mrs. Pankhurst and 
other English Suffragists, in order to assist with the Scot- 
tish campaign. At Glasgow, the party organized a demon- 
stration outside of a meeting held by Lord Crewe, a member 
of the cabinet. Arrested, they were released without trial. 
Proceeding northward. Miss Paul assisted in organizing the 
Suffrage campaign in East Fife, the district of Prime Min- 
ister Herbert Asquith. At Dundee, Miss Paul and Miss 
Burns took part in a demonstration outside a meeting 
held by Winston Churchill. The two American girls and 
an English Suffragist were sentenced to ten days in Dundee 
Prison. After four days of hunger strike, all were re- 
leased. Each night during their imprisonment, great crowds 
of citizens marched round the prison singing Scotch songs 
as a means of showing their sympathy with the campaign. 
Upon their release, the Suffragists were welcomed at a 
mass-meeting over which the Lord Mayor presided. Thence 
they went to Edinburgh where they assisted in organizing 
a procession and pageant in Princess Street— one of the 
most beautiful and famous thoroughfares of the world. The 
pageant of the Scotch heroines who had made sacrifices 
for liberty is still remembered in Scotland for its beauty. 


The next job was less agreeable. The two American girls 
were sent to Berwick-on-Tweed to interrupt with a protest 
a meeting of Sir Edward Grey, then Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. Miss Paul made the interruption, was arrested, but 
was released on the following day without going to trial. 
Miss Burns was not arrested that time. 

Next in Bermondsey, one of the slum districts of London, 
they waged a plain, old-fashioned electoral campaign to de- 
feat a candidate. When this was over, Miss Paul, in com- 
pany with a Miss Brown, was sent to make a Suffrage protest 
at the Lord Mayor's Banquet in the Guildhall. They were 
arrested, of course, and were sentenced to thirty days in 
Holloway Jail. They hunger struck, and were forcibly fed. 
This experience left its mark on Miss Paul's health for 
some time; it was several weeks after her release before she 
was strong enough to travel. But in January, 1910, she 
sailed for America — and arrived the pale, emaciated creature 
who so shocked Mabel Vernon. 

Lucy Bums tells an amusing story of Alice Paul's expe- 
riences in England. Lord Crewe was to speak at a meeting 
at Glasgow, and Alice Paul was delegated to represent the 
Suffragists at that meeting and to heckle "the speaker. That 
meant that she must conceal herself in the building, where 
the meeting was to take place, the night before. The build- 
ing was a big, high one — St. Andrew's Hall, the girls re- 
member the name — and it was surrounded by a high, for- 
midable iron fence. The night before Lucy Burns walked 
with Alice Paul to the Hall and helped her to climb to the 
top of this fence. Then Alice Paul jumped down into the 
grounds and Lucy Burns left her there. There was some 
building going on at this hall and with great difficulty Alice 
Paul climbed the scaffolding to the high second story and 
settled herself on a roof to spend the night. It rained all 
night ; and of course she had no protection against the wet. 
And after all this discomfort, when daylight broke, laborers 
coming to work on a neighboring building observed the 
strange phenomenon of a woman lying on a second-story 


roof. They reported her and she was ignominously led down 
and out. 

In the summer of 1912, Lucy Burns returned to America. 
Alice Paul visited her in Long Island. For some time now, 
Alice Paul had been considering the Suffrage situation of 
the United States in its national aspect. Here, she broached 
to Lucy Burns her idea of working for a Constitutional 
Amendment in Washington — ^her belief that with six States 
enfranchised — ^with six States that could be used as a 
lever on Congress — ^the time had come when further work 
in State campaigns was sheer waste. More even than 
English conditions, American conditions favored the policy 
of holding the Party in power responsible in regard to Suf- 
frage. In England, there was no body of women completely 
enfranchised. In America there were approximately two 
million women voters who, completely enfranchised, could 
command a hearing from the politicians. She felt that such 
a campaign in America would be more productive of result 
for still another reason. In pursuing that policy in Eng- 
land, the Suffragists were often placed in the embarrassing 
position of defeating Suffragists and putting in anti-Suf- 
fragists. But in America, no matter what Party was in 
power, only Suffrage senators and representatives could be 
elected from the Suffrage States. In other words, if, in 
defeating the Party in power they defeated Suffragists — as 
was inevitable in the Suffrage States — other Suffragists as 
inevitably took their places. Moreover, there was no imme- 
diate motive urging senators and representatives from the 
Suffrage States — although often they were individually 
helpful — to convert senators and representatives of their 
own Party from non-Suffrage States. Were their Party in 
jeopardy at home, however, that motive was instantly sup- 
plied. Also, Alice Paul thought that it was more dignified 
of women to ask the vote of other women than to beg it 
of men. 

Alice Paul was the first to apply this policy to the Suf- 
frage situation in the United States. As late as 1917, other 


Suffrage leaders, as well as members of Congress, were re- 
iterating that there was no such thing as a Party in power 
in the United States, that that idea was brought from Eng- 
land by Alice Paul and was not adapted to our American 

The two girls concocted a scheme for starting federal 
work in Washington. They went with it to tho National 
American Woman Suffrage Association, to Anna Howard 
Shaw, to Harriot Stanton Blatch, to Mary Ware Dennett. 
Lucy Burns pictures Alice Paul at that last interview — 
" a little Quakerish figure, crumpled up in her chair and 
for the first time I noticed how beautiful her eyes were." 
Finally Alice Paul went to the Convention of the National 
American Association at Philadelphia. She talked with 
Jane Addams. Alice Paul suggested that she be allowed 
to come to Washington at her own expense to begin work 
on Congress for the passing of a Constitutional Amendment. 
She agreed to raise the necessary money. Jane Addams 
brought this suggestion before the Board of the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association, urged its accept- 
ance. It was approved. The Board appointed a Com- 
mittee consisting of Alice Paul, Chairman; Lucy Burns, 
Vice-chairman ; Crystal Eastman. Later in Washington, Mrs. 
Lawrence Lewis and Mary Beard joined that Committee. 
Alice Paul went first to Philadelphia and collected money 
for a few days. Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, who, Miss Paul says, 
was one of the first- to say, " I have always believed that 
the way to get Suffrage is by a federal amendment," gave 
her name; gave money; collected money. 

And so — all alone — ^Alice Paul came to Washington. 



Alice Paul is a slender, frail-looking young woman, deli- 
cately colored and delicately made. The head, the neck, the 
long slim arms, and the little hands look as though they 
were cut out of alabaster. The dense shadowy hair, scoop- 
ing with deeper accessions of shadow into great waves, dip- 
ping low on her forehead and massing into a great dusky 
bunch in her neck, might be carved from bronze. It looks 
too heavy for her head. Her face has a kind of powerful 
irregularity. Its prevailing expression is of a brooding 
stillness; yet when she smiles, dimples appear. Her eyes 
are big and quiet; dark — ^like moss-agates. When she is 
silent they are almost opaque. When she talks they light 
up — rather they glow — in a notable degree of luminosity. 
Her voice is low; musical; it pulsates with a kind of inter- 
rogative plaintiveness. When you ask her a question, there 
ensues, on her part, a moment of a stillness so profound, 
you can ajlmost hear it. I think I have never seen anybody 
who can keep so still as Alice Paul. But when she answers 
you, the lucidity of exposition, the directness of expression ! 
Always she looks you straight in the eye, and when she has 
finished speaking she holds you with that luminous glow. 
Her tiny hands make gestures, almost humorous in their 
gentleness and futility, compared with the force of her 

In the endless discussions at Headquarters — discussions 
that consider every subject on earth and change constantly 
in personnel and point of view — she is always the most 
silent. But when at last she speaks, often there ensues a 
pause; she has summed it all up. Superficially she seems 
cold, austere, a little remote. But that is only because the 



fire of her spirit bums at such a heat that it is still and 
white. She has the quiet of the spinning top. 

As for her mentality . . . her capacity for leadership 
. . . her vision. . . . There is no difference of opinion 
in regard to Alice Paul in the Woman's Party. With one 
accord, they say, " She is the Party." They regard her 
with an admiration which verges on awe. Mentally she 
walks apart; not because she has any conscious sense of 
superiority, but because of the swiftness, amplitude, and 
completeness with which her mind marches — her marvelous 
powers of concentration and her blazing devotion to the 

I think no better description can be given of her than 
to quote the exact phrases which her associates use in talk- 
ing of her. Winifred Mallon speaks of her " biirning sin- 
cerity." Helena Hill Weed imputes a " prescience " to her. 
Anne Martin says, " She is the heart, brain, and soul of 
the Woman's Party," and " Her mind moves with the pre- 
cision of a beautiful machine." Nina Allender sums her up 
as " a Napoleon without self-indulgence." She said that 
when at the hearing in 1916, Congressmen tried to tangle 
Alice Paul they found it an impossibility; everything in 
Alice Paul's mentality was so clear; there was nothing to 
tangle. She added, " There are no two minds to Alice Paul." 
" My, mother describes her," she concluded, " as a flame 
undyingly burning." 

This is Maud Younger's tribute: 

She has in the first place a devotion to the cause whicti is 
absolutely self-sacrificing. She has an indomitable will. She 
recognizes no obstacles. She has a clear, penetrating, analytic 
mind which cleaves straight to the heart of things. In examining 
a situation, she always bares the main fact; she sees all the 
forces which make for change in that situation. She is a genius 
for organization, both in the mass and in detail. She under- 
stands perfectly, in achieving the big object, the cumulative 
effect of multitudes of small actions and small services. She 
makes use of all material, whether human or otherwise, that 
comes along. Her work has perpetual growth; it never stag- 


nates; it is always branching out. She is never hampered or 
cluttered. She is free of the past. Her inventiveness and re- 
sourcefulness are endless. She' believes absolutely in open 
diplomacy. She believes that everything should be told; our 
main argument with her was in regard to the necessity for 
secrecy in special cases. She is almost without suspicion; and 
sometimes with a too-great tendency towards kind judgment in 
the case of the individual. It seems incredible that with all these 
purely intellectual gifts, she should possess an acute appreciation 
of beauty; a gift for pageantry; an amazing sense of humor. 

Lucy Burns says: 

When Alice Paul spoke to me about the federal work, I 
knew that she had an extraordinary mind, extraordinary courage 
and remarkable executive ability. But I felt she had two disa- 
bilities — ill-health and a lack of knowledge of human nature. I 
was wrong in both. I was staggered by her speed and industry 
and the way she could raise money. Her great assets, I should 
say^ are her power, with a single leap of the imagination, to 
make plans on a national scale; and a supplementary power to 
see that done down to the last postage stamp. But because she 
can do all this, people let her do it — often she has to carry her 
own plans out down to the very last postage stamp. She used 
all kinds of people; she tested them through results. She is 
exceedingly charitable in her judgments of people and patient. 
She assigned one inept person to five different kinds of work 
before she gave her up. Her iabruptness lost some workers, but 
not the finer spirits. The very absence of anything like personal 
appeal seemed to help her. 

Lucy Burns is as different a type from Alice Paul as one 
could imagine. She is tall — or at least she seems tall; 
rounded and muscular; a splendidly vigorous physical 
specimen. If Alice Paul looks as though she were a Tanagra 
carved from alabaster, Lucy Bums seems like a figure, 
heroically sculptured, from marble. She is blue-eyed and 
f resh-complexioned ; dimpled ; and her head is burdened, even 
as Alice Paul's, by an enormous weight of hair. Lucy 
Burn's hair is a brilliant red; and even as she flashes, it 
flashes. It is full of sparkle. She is a woman of twofold 
ability. She speaks and writes with equal eloquence and 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

Lucy Burns at the Head of the " Prison Specialists." 

These Women, All of Whom Served Terms in Jail, Are Wearing 
a Reproduction of Their Prison Garb. 


elegance. Her speeches before Suffrage bodies, her editorials 
in the Suffragist are models of clearness ; conciseness ; of 
accumulative force of expression. Mentally and emotion- 
ally, she is quick and warm. Her convictions are all 
vigorous and I do not think Lucy Burns would hesitate for 
a moment to suffer torture, to die, for them. She has in- 
tellectuality of a high order; but she overruns with a win- 
ning Irishness which supplements that Intellectuality with 
grace and charm; a social mobility of extreme sensitiveness 
and swiftness. In those early days in Washington, with all 
her uncompromising militantism, Lucy Bums was the 
diplomat of the pair; the tactful, placating force. 

I asked a member of the Woman's Party who had watched 
the work from the beginning what was the difference between 
the two women. She answered, " They are both political- 
minded. They seemed in those early days to have one spirit 
and one brain. Both saw the situation exactly as it was, 
but they went at the problem with different methods. Alice 
Paul had a more acute sense of justice, Lucy Burns, a more 
bitter sense of injustice. Lucy Bums would become angry 
because the President or the people did not do this or that. 
Alice Paul never expected anything of them." 

Both these women had the highest kind of courage. Lucy 
Bums — although she admits that at Occoquan Workhouse, 
she suffered from nameless terrors — ^has a mental poise that 
is almost unsusceptible to fear. Alice Paul — although she 
can with perfect composure endure arrest, imprisonment, 
hunger-striking — acknowledges timidities. She does not like 
to listen to horrors of any description, especially ghost- 
stories. They say though that, in the movies, she always 
particularly enjoyed pirates. 



When Alice Paul arrived in Washington in December, 1912, 
she found a discouraging state of things. She had been 
given the address of Headquarters, but Headquarters had 
vanished. She had been given a list of people to whom she 
could turn for help, but most of them had died or moved 
away. At that time, Mrs. William Kent, who was subse- 
quently to become one bf her constant and able assistants, 
was Chairman of the Congressional Committee of the Na- 
tional American Woman Suffrage Association. Two years 
before, when her husband was elected to Congress, Mrs. Kent 
came to Washington. When she was asked to become Chair- 
man of this Committee she was told that it would entail 
no work. She must merely see that the bill was introduced 
and arrange hearings before the two committees. There 
was no thought of putting the Amendment through, and no 
lobbying for it. The National Association allowed Mrs. 
Keni ten dollars. At the end of the year she returned 
change. There were a few Suffrage clubs in Washington, 
but their activity was merely social. Alice Paul saw that 
the work had to be started from the very beginning. First 
of all they had to have Headquarters. She hired a little 
biasement room at 1420 F Street. At a formal opening on 
January 2, 1913, Mrs. William Kent, presiding, intro- 
duced Alice Paul as her successor; and a plan for federal 
work was laid before the Suffragists of the District of 
Columbia. Of course no one at the meeting guessed that 
she was present at a historic occasion. 

Alice Paul began work at once. Nina AUender says that 
one Sunday a stranger called. She was wearing " a slim 



dress and a little purple hat and she was no bigger," Mrs. 
Allender held up her forefinger, " than that." The call was 
brief and it was unaccompanied by any of the small talk 
or the persiflage which distinguishes most social occasions. 
But when the door closed, a few moments later, mother and 
daughter looked at each other in amazement. Mrs. Evans 
had promised to contribute to SuiFrage a sum of money 
monthly. Mrs. Allender had promised to contribute to Suf- 
frage a sum of money monthly. Mrs. Evans had agreed to 
do a certain amount of work monthly. Mrs. Allender had i 
agreed to do a certain amount of work monthly. Their 
amazement arose partly from the fact that they had not 
been begged, urged, or argued with — they had simply been 
asked; and partly from the fact that, before the arrival of 
this slim little stranger, they had no more idea of contribut- 
ing so much money or work than of flying. But they agreed 
to it the instant she requested it of them. 

This is a perfect example of the way Alice Paul works. 
There may be times when she urges, even begs; but they 
appear to be rare. She often forgets to thank you when 
you say yes; for she has apparently assumed that you will 
say yes. She does not argue with you when you say no — 
but you rarely say no. She has only to ask apparently. Per- 
haps it is part the terseness with which she puts her request. 
Perhaps it is part her simple acceptance of the fact that 
you are not going to refuse. Perhaps it is her expectation 
that you will understand that she is not asking for herself 
but for Suffrage. Perhaps it is the Quaker integrity which 
shines through every statement. Perhaps it is the intensity 
of devotion which blazes back of the gentleness of her per- 
sonality and the inflexibility of purpose which gives that 
gentleness power. At any rate, it is very difficult to refuse 
Alice Paul. 

A member of the Woman's Party, meeting her for the first 
time in New York and riding for a short distance in a taxi- 
cab with her, says that Alice Paul turned to her as soon as 
they were alone: 


"Will you give a thousand dollars to the Womaa's 
Party? " 

" No, I haven't that amount to give." 

" Will you give one hundred dollars ? " 

« No." 

" Will you give twenty-five dollars .'' " 

" No." 

"Will you " 

" I'll give five dollars." 

Mrs. Gilson Gardner says that one day, in the midst of 
the final preparations for the procession of March 3, she 
came to Headquarters. Alice Paul, it was apparent, was in 
a state of considerable perturbation. At the sight of Mrs. 
Gardner she said, " There's Mrs. Gardner ! She'll attend to 
it." She went on to explain. " The trappings for the 
horses have been ruined. Will you order some more? They 
must be delivered tomorrow night." Mrs. Gardner says that 
she had no more idea how to order a trapping than a sus- 
pension bridge, but — magic-ed as always by Alice Paul's 
personality — she emitted a terrified " Yes," and started out. 
She walked round and round the block a dozen times, re- 
viewing her problem, and casting about her looks of an 
appalled desperation. Suddenly she espied a little tailor 
shop, and in it, at work, a little tailor. She approached 
and confided her problem to him. Mrs. Gardner kept shop 
while he went to Headquarters and got the measurements. 
He delivered the trappings on time. 

Later in the history of the Woman's Party, Margery 
Ross came to Washington to spend the winter with a cousin. 

She was young and pretty. She established herself there 
and began to enjoy herself. She was a Suffragist. One day, 
out of a clear sky, Alice Paul said : " Miss Ross, will you go 
to Wyoming on Saturday, and organize a State Convention 
there within three weeks?" "Why, Miss Paul," the girl 
faltered, " I can't. My plans are all made for the winter. 
I've only just got here." Nevertheless, in a few days, Miss 
Ross started for Wyoming. There were only eight members 
of the Congressional Union in that State, and yet three 


weeks later she had achieved a State Convention with one 
hundred and twenty delegates. 

Perhaps, however, the story which best illustrates Miss 
Paul's power to make people work is one of Nina AUender's. 
One must remember that Mrs. AUender is an artist. One day 
Alice Paul telephoned her to ask her if she would go the 
next day to Ohio to campaign for the Woman's Party. Mrs. 
AUender, who had no more expectation of going to Ohio 
than to the moon, replied : " I'm sorry. It's impossible. 
You see, we have just moved. The place is being papered 
and painted, and I've got to select the wallpaper." " Oh, 
that's all right," Alice Paul suggested. " I'll send a girl 
right up there. She'U pick your paper for you and see that 
if 8 put on." In the end, of course, Mrs. AUender chose 
her own paper. But although she did not go to Ohio the 
next day, she went within a week. 

When Alice Paul asked Maud Younger to deliver the 
memorial address on Inez MilhoUand, Miss Younger was at 
first staggered by the idea. " I can't," she said. " I don't 
know how to do it." 

" Oh," directed Alice Paul in a degagi way, " just write 
something like Lincoln's Gettysbwrg address." 

The first Headquarters consisted of one long basement 
room, partitioned at the back into three small rooms of 
which two were storerooms, and one Miss Paul's office. This 
opened into a court. Later when the Suffragist was pub- 
lished, they had rooms upstairs; sometimes one, sometimes 
more, according to their ^unds. By the first anniversary, 
they had expanded to ten rooms. Later stiU, they had two 
whole floors. 

Almost all the work was done by volunteers. AU kinds of 
people worked for them. Comparatively idle women of the 
moneyed class gave up matinees, teas, and other social occa- 
sions; stenographers, who worked all day long, labored 
until midnight. Anybody who dropped into Headquarters 
for any purpose was put to work. Once a distinguished 
lawyer from a western city called on business with Alice 


"Would you mind addressing a few envelopes?" asked 
Alice Paul when the business was concluded. The distin- 
guished lawyer, whose own office was of course manned by a 
small army of stenographers, smiled; but he took off his 
coat and went to work. 

Alice Paul's swift, decisive leadership was accepted, un- 
questioningly. Her word was immutable. One day an 
elderly woman was observed at a typewriter, painfully pick- 
ing at it with a stiff forefinger. It was obvious that with 
a great expenditure of time and energy, she was accom- 
plishing nothing. 

" Why are you doing that.? " somebody asked curiously. 

"Because Alice Paul told me to," was the plaintive 

Most of the work was done in the big front room. The 
confusion of going and coming of the volunteer workers; 
the noise of conflicting activity; conversation; telephones; 
made concentrated thinking almost impossible. The police- 
man on the beat said that a light burned in Headquarters 
all night long. That was true. Alice Paul and Lucy Bums 
used to work far into the morning because then, alone, were 
they assured of quiet. There were times though when Alice 
Paul worked all day, all night and sitting up in bed, into the 
next morning. She never lost time. Later when she picketed 
the White House, she used to take a stenographer with her 
and dictate while on picket duty. 

Volunteer work is of course not always to be depended 
upon. It is eccentric and follows its own laws. There would 
be periods when Headquarters would be flooded with help. 
There came intervals when it was almost empty. Sara 
Grogan, herself a devoted adherent, tells how in this case, 
she used to go out on the streets and ask strangers to help. 
Volunteer workers — ^if they were housekeepers or the mothers 
of families — ^learned, on their busy days, to give F Street 
a wide berth. As they had no time to give and as it was 
impossible to say no to Alice Paul, the streets about Head- 
quarters were as closed to them as the streets of his creditors 


to Dick Swiveller. It was perhaps this experience which 
taught Alice Paul what later became one of her chief assets 
— her power to put to use every bit of human material that 
came her way ; which developed in her that charitable will- 
ingness, when this human material failed in one direction, 
to try it in another ; and another ; and another. Rarely did 
she reject any offer of help, no matter how untrained or 
seemingly untrainable it was. I asked Mabel Vernon how 
she got so much work — and such splendid work of all kinds 
— out of amateurs. She answered, " She believed we could 
do it and so she made us believe it." 

In those days, Alice Paul herself was like one driven by 
a fury of speed. She was a human dynamo. She made 
everybody else work as hard as possible, but she drove — 
although she did drive — ^nobody so hard as herself. Winifred 
Mallon said, " I worked with Alice Paul for three months 
before I saw her with her hat off. I was perfectly aston- 
ished, I remember, at that mass of hair. I had never sus- 
pected its existence." For a long time, Alice Paul deliber- 
ately lived in a cold room, so that she could not be tempted 
to sit up late to read. It was more than a year before she 
visited the book-shop opened by a friend because, she said, 
" I should be tempted to buy so many books there," Anne 
Martin says that she believes Alice Paul made a vow not to 
think or to read anything that was not connected with Suf- 
frage until the Amendment was passed. There was certainly 
BO evidence of her reading anything else. They make the 
humorous observation at Headquarters now that the instant 
the Amendment had passed both Houses, Alice Paul began 
to permit herself the luxury of one mental relaxation — ^the 
reading of detective stories. But in those early days she 
worked all the time and she worked at everything. Some- 
body said to Lucy Burns, " She asks nothing of us that 
she doesn't do herself," and Lucy Burns answered dryly, 
"Yes, she's annoyingly versatile." 

Not only did Alice Paul ask you to work but after you 
had agreed to it, she kept after you. " She * nagged ' us " 


— they say humorously at Headquarters. Once, just before 
leaving for Chicago, Alice Paul appointed a certain young 
person chairman of a certain comittittee, with power to select 
chairmen of ten other committees to arrange for a demon- 
stration when the Suffrage Special returned. This was four 
weeks off and yet in three days from Chicago came a tele- 
gram : " Wire me immediately the names of your chairmen ! " 

But just as Alice Paul never thanked herself for w\hat she 
was doing, it never occurred to her to thank anybody else. 
And .perhaps she had an innate conviction that it was 
egregious personally to thank people for devotion to a cause. 
However that did not always work out in practice, naturally. 

Once a woman, a volunteer, who had worked all the morn- 
ing reported to Alice Paul at noon. She retailed what she 
had done. Alice Paul made no comment whatever, but asked 
her immediately if she would go downtown for her. The 
woman refused; went away and did not come back. Alice 
Paul asked a friend for an explanation of her absence. 
" She is offended," her friend explained. " You did not thank 
her for what she did." " But," exclaimed Alice Paul, " she 
did not do it for me. She did it for Suffrage. I thought 
she would be delighted to do it for Suffrage." After that, 
however, Alice Paul tried very hard to remember to thank 
everybody. Once a party member said to her, as she was 
leaving Headquarters, "I have a taxi here. Miss Paul — 
can't I take you anywhere.?" "No," Alice Paul answered 
abruptly. She was halfway down the stairs when she seemed 
to remember something. Instantly she turned back and said, 
" Thank you ! " Another time, somebody else announced 
that she was offended because Alice Paul had not thanked 
her, and was going to leave. A friend went to Alice Paul. 

" Mrs. Blank is leaving us. I am afraid you have offended 

" Where is she." " Alice Paul demanded, " I will apologize 
at once." 

"For what?" the friend inquired. 

" I don't know," Alice Paul answered, " anything! " 


Like Roosevelt, Alice Paul had a remarkable news sense. 
She was the joy of newspaper men. Ninety per cent of the 
Woman's Party bulletins got publicity as against about 
twenty per cent of others. A New Orleans editor said they 
were the best publicity organization in the country. Gilson 
Gardner compares her to a Belasco, staging the scene ad- 
mirably but, herself, always in the background. 

Later, when the first stress was over, her companions 
spoke of the joy of work with her. They marveled at that 
creative quality which made her put over her demonstrations 
on so enormous a scale and the beauty with which she inun- 
dated them. 

Maud Younger tells of going with her one night to the 
Capitol steps, when she painted imaginatively, on the scene 
which lay outstretched before her, the great demonstration 
which she was planning: wide areas of static color here, long 
lines of pulsating color there, laid on in great splashes and 
welts, like a painter of the modem school. Above all, 
her companions took a fearful joy in the serene way in 
which she brushed aside red tape, ignored rules. She would 
decide on some unexpected, daring bit of pioneer demon- 
stration. Her companions would report to her retarding 
restrictions. " What an absurd rule," she would remark, 
and then proceed calmly to ignore it. " Oh, Miss Paul, 
we can't do that ! " was the commonest exclamation with 
which the fellow workers greeted her plans. But always 
they did do it because she convinced them that it could be 
done. After the death of Inez MilhoUand, Alice Paul de- 
cided to hold a memorial service in Statuary Hall at the 

" Oh, Miss Paul, we can't do that ! Memorial services are 
held there only for those whose statues are in the Hall." 
But in the end she did it. When her Committee spoke about 
it to the officials who have Statuary Hall in charge they 
said, " One thing we cannot permit. You cannot go up into 
the gallery because the doors open from that gallery into 
rooms containing old and valued books and those books 


might be stolen." The police said, " No, you must not hang 
curtains over those openings in case a Senator wants to 
pass through." Later the police themselves were helping 
Alice Paul to place the purple, white, and gold pennants 
about the gallery ; they themselves were piling around their 
standards, in order to hold them straight, those same old 
and valued books; they themselves were standing on step- 
ladders to help her hang curtains before those unsealable 

When the Suffrage Special returned, Alice Paul decided 
to hold a welcoming banquet in the dining-room of the beau- 
tiful new Washington railroad station. She sent somebody 
to ask this privilege of the authorities. At first, of course, 
they said, no, but in the end, of course, they said, yes. 
The Woman's Party hired a band to help in the welcome. 
Alice Paul observed that the man who played the horn 
was so tall that he obscured an important detail in the 
decoration. She asked him to stand in another part of 
the band group. Of course he answered that that was im- 
possible, that the horn always stood where he was standing, 
but in the end, of course, he stood where Alice Paul told 
him to stand. 

Late in the history of the Woman's Party, somebody dis- 
covered that Alice Paul had never seen an anti-Suffragist. 
At a legislative hearing during ratification they pointed out 
one to her — a beautiful one. " She looks like a Botticelli," 
Alice Paul said — and gazed admiringly at her for the rest 
of the hearing. 

Her companions marveled, I reiterate, at Alice Paul's 
creative power. That did not manifest itself in demonstra- 
tions alone. Her policy had creative quality. It had a wide 
sweep. It moved on wings and with accumulating force and 
speed. Her work in Washington started slowly, though 
with sureness of attack, but all the time it heightened and 
deepened. From 1913 to 1919 it never faltered. Sometimes 
changes in outside affairs made changes in her self-evolved 
plan, but they never stopped it, never even slowed it. From 


the beginning she saw her objective clearly; and always she 
made for it. Activities that may often have seemed to the 
callow-minded but the futile militancy of a group of fanatics 
were part of a perfectly co-ordinated plan. Moreover, she 
had always reserve ideas and always a buried ace. Sapient 
members of the Party — ^those who were close to her — ^believe 
that she used only a part of an enormous scheme; that she 
was prepared far into the future and for any possible con- 
tingency. They wonder sometimes how far that creative 
impulse reached . . . what form it would later . . . and 
later . . . and later have taken. Yet she proceeded 
slowly, giving every new form of agitation its chance; pru- 
dent always of her reserves. The instant one kind of 
demonstration exhausted its usefulness, she moved to the 
next. She wasted no time on side issues, on petty hostilities, 
on rivalries with other organizations. 

But the quality that, above all, informed her other 
qualities, the quality that she first of all brought to the 
Suffrage situation, the quality that made her associates re- 
gard her with a kind of awe, was her political-mindedness, 
and political-mindedness was not at all uncommon in the 
Woman's Party. It was, perhaps, its main asset, although 
initiative and efficiency, speed, and courage of the most dar- 
ing order marked it. But Alice Paul's political minded- 
ness had quality as well as quantity. When Hughes was 
made the Republican nominee for the 1916 election, Alice 
Paul asked him to declare for National Suffrage. He was 
exceedingly dubious. It is obvious f;hat, in asking favors 
of a politician, it is necessary to prove to him that action 
on his part will not hurt him in the matter of votes and 
may help him. On this point, Alice Paul said in effect : 

" Your Party consists of two factions, the old, standpat 
Republicans and the Progressives. Now, if you put a Suf- 
frage plank in your platform, you will not alienate the Pro- 
gressives, because the Progressives have a Suffrage plank, 
and the old standpat Republicans will not vote for a Demo- 
crat no matter what you put in your platform." 


When in the same election campaign Hughes went West, 
and the West turned to Wilson, it became evident, however 
much the Woman's' Party diminished the prestige of Wilson, 
it could not defeat him. Numerous advisers suggested to 
Alice Paul to withdraw her speakers from the campaign. 

Alice Paul answered, " No; if we withdraw our speaker g 
from fhe campaign, we withdraw the issue from the camr 
paign. The main thing is to make the Suffrage Amendment 
a national issue that the Democrats will not want to meet 
in another campaign." 

After the election, somebody said to her, " The people 
of the United States generally think you made a great 
mistake in fighting Wilson. They think your campaign a 
failure." Alice Paul answered, " In this case, it is not 
important what the people think but what the Democratic 
leaders hnow." 

The most magical thing about Alice Paul's political- 
mindedness was, however, a quality which is almost inde- 
scribable. Perhaps it should be symbolized by some term of 
the fourth dimension — although Helena HUl Weed's happy 
word " prescience " comes near to describing it. Maud 
Younger gives an extraordinary example of this. She says 
again and again, lobbyists would come back from the 
Capitol with the news of some unexpected manoeuver which 
perplexed or even blocked them. Congressmen, themselves, 
would be puzzled over the situation. Again and again, she 
has seen Alice Paul walk to the window, stand there, head 
bent, thinking. Then, suddenly she would come back. She 
had seen behind the veil of conflicting and seemingly un- 
translatable testimony. She had, in Maud Younger's own 
words, cloven " straight to the heart of things." Often her 
lobbyists hail the experience of explaining to baffled mem- 
bers of Committees in Congress the concealed tactics of their 
own Committee. 

It was small wonder that they were so busy at Head- 
quarters during those first months. They were preparing 


for a monster demonstration in the shape of a procession 
which was to occur on March 3, 1913, on the eve of Presi- 
dent Wilson's first inauguration. That procession, which 
was really a thing of great beauty, brought Suffrage into 
prominence in a way the Suffragists had not for an instant 
anticipated. About eight thousand women took part. The 
procession started from the Capitol, marched up Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue past the White House and ended in a mass- 
meeting at the Hall of the Daughters of the American Revo- 
lution. Although a permit had been issued for the proces- 
sion, and though this carried with it the right to the street, 
the police failed to protect the marchers as had been rumored 
they would. The end of the Avenue was almost impassable 
to the parade. A huge crowd, drawn from all over the 
country, had appeared in Washington for the Inauguration 
festivities. They chose to act in the most rowdy manner 
possible and many of the police chose to seem oblivious of 
what they were doing. Disgraceful episodes occurred. 
Secretary of War Stimson had finally to send for troops 
from Fort Meyer. There was an investigation of the action 
of the police by a Committee of the Senate. The official 
report is a thick book containing testimony that will shock 
any fine-minded American citizen. Ultimatdy, the Chief of 
Police for the District of Columbia was removed. 

The investigation, however, kept the Suffrage procession 
in the minds of the public for many weeks. It almost over- 
shadowed the Inauguration itself. 

On this occasion, the banner — in a slightly modifiedx form 
to be afterwards always known as the Great Demand 
banner — was carried for the first time. This banner marched 
peremptorily through the history of the Woman's Party 
until the Suffrage Amendment was passed. It said: 



On March 3 there arrived in Washington a man who 
was that day a simple citizen of the United States. The 
next day he was to become the President of the United 
States. As Woodrow Wilson drove from the station through 
the empty streets to his hotel, he asked, " Where are the 
people.'' " 

The answer was, " Over on the Avenue watching the Suf- 
frage Parade." 


The first great demonstration of the Congressional Com- 
mittee — the procession of March 3 — had been designed to 
attract the eye of the country to the Suffragists. It suc- 
ceeded beyond their wildest hopes. Thereafter it became a 
part of the policy of the Congressional Committee — later, 
the Congressional Union, and later still, the (National 
Woman's Party — to keep the people watching the Suffra- 
gists. The main work of the Congressional Committee, how- 
ever, focussed directly on Congress, as of course Congress 
alone could pass a Constitutional Amendment. They ap- 
pealed to Congress constantly, by different methods, and 
through different avenues. They appealed to Congress 
through the President of the United States, through political 
leaders, through constituents. It is one way of describing 
their system to say that they worked on Congress by a series 
of electric shocks delivered to it downwards from the Presi- 
dent, and by a constant succession of waves delivered up- 
wards through the people. This pressure never ceased for 
a moment. It accumulated in power as the six years of 
this work went on. 

When President Wilson arrived in Washington for his 
inauguration, the first thing brought to his notice was Suf- 
frage agitation. The Congressional Committee thereafter 
kept Suffrage constantly before him. If not actually op- 
posed to Suffrage in 1913, Woodrow Wilson had every 
appearance of opposition; certainly he was utterly indif- 
ferent to it. But Alice Paul believed that he was amenable 
to education on the subject, and she proceeded to educate 
him. Her theory proved to be true, but the process took 



longer than she had anticipated. Her methods of course 
aroused storms of criticism ; but in the end they triumphed. 
The President's action during the six years' siege was the 
attitude of all politicians. That is to say, for a long time 
he made general statements of a vaguely encouraging nature 
to the SuiFragists, but for a long time he actually did noth- 
ing. Every accepted method of convincing him of the jus- 
tice of the cause was tried. Deputation after deputation 
waited on him and stated their case. Then he began to 
move. He came out for Woman Suffrage as a principle; 
he voted for it in New Jersey but he still believed that the 
enfranchisement of woman must come by States. In 1917, 
his position, except for these minor admissions, was exactly 
that of 1913. As far as the Suff'rage Amendment was con- 
cerned, he had not budged an inch. The Woman's Party 
then tried desperate remedies and afterward more and more 
desperate remedies. These always produced results — ^to- 
wards the end, hmnediate results. But at the beginning of 
this period, the Suffragists found that the instant they 
relaxed, the President relaxed ; his attention departed from 
Suffrage. This always happened. Then the Congressional 
Committee began to exert a little more pressure, and the 
President's attention came back to Suffrage. In the long 
attacking process to which Alice Paul subjected him, she 
put him in untenable position after untenable position. He 
moved from each one of them by some new concession. In 
the end, he himself procured the last vote necessary to pass 
the Amendment in the Senate. 

Alice Paul admires Woodrow Wilson profoundly. She 
admires his powers of leadership ; his ideals ; his persistence ; 
his steadfastness ; his resolution. " He is a man," she says, 
"who considers one thing at a time. Suffrage was not in 
his thought at all until we, ourselves, injected it there. And 
it was not in the center of his thought until the picketing 
was well along." She believed always that, when the Presi- 
dent was made to think that he must act in regard to Suf- 
frage, he would put it through. 


Immediatdy after his inauguration, President Wilson 
announced that a special session of Congress would be called 
on April 7. At once the Congressional Committee decided 
to bring to his attention the fact that there was no subject 
which more urgently demanded treatment in this session than 
Woman Suffrage. Three deputations were therefore organ- 
ized to ask him to recommend the Federal Amendment in the 
message by which he should convene this special session. 
These deputations — and all subsequent ones — ^were organized 
by Alice Paul. 

The first deputation waited on President Wilson on March 
17. This deputation consisting of four women was led by 
Alice Paul herself. Although individual Suffragists had 
interviewed previous presidents, this was the first deputation 
which had ever appeared with a request for action before a 
President of the United States. President Wilson's reply 
to their remarks was that the subject would receive his most 
careful attention. 

The episode was one of the most amusing of the early 
history of the Congressional Committee. The President re- 
ceived the deputation in the White House offices. When they 
entered, they found four chairs arranged in a row with one 
in front of them, like a class about to be addressed by a 
teacher. The atmosphere was so tense that all the women 
felt it and were frightened. Alice Paul spoke first and said 
that women wanted Suffrage considered by Congress at once, 
as the most important issue before the country. All spoke 
in turn. One woman was so terrified that she petrified 
when her turn came. " Don't be nervous," the President 
reassured her and she finally proceeded. To this first group 
the President made the statement that so astounded Suf- 
fragists all over the country — that Suffrage had never been 
brought to his attention, that the matter was entirely new. 
He added that he did not know his position and would like 
all information possible on the subject. 

The Congressional Committee gave him time to give the 
subject this careful attention, and then a second deputation 


waited on the President on March 28 to furnish him with 
the information he lacked. This deputation was led by 
Elsie Hill, and it represented the College Equal Suffrage 
League. The President replied to their remarks that this 
session of Congress would be so occupied with the tariff and 
the currency that the Suffrage measure could not be con- 

A third deputation waited on the President on March 31. 
It was led by Dr. Cora Smith King, and it was composed of 
influential members of the National Council of Women 
Voters. This delegation told the President that the women 
voters, who numbered approximately two million, were much 
interested in the proposed Suffrage Amendment. They also 
asked him to recommend it in his message. His reply to them 
was the same as to the college women: that this special ses- 
sion would be so occupied with the tariff and currency that 
the Suffrage measure could not be considered. 

In the meantime, the Congressional Committee had noti- 
fied Suffragists all over the United States that a Suffrage 
Amendment would be introduced in this special session of 
Congress; asking them to urge the President to indorse 
Suffrage in his forthcoming message; and to request their 
"Representative in Congress to support Suffrage when it was 
introduced. Letters poured into Washington from the re- 
motest corners of the country. 

This was the beginning of that intimacy which the Con- 
gressional Committee — afterwards the Congressional Union, 
afterwards the National Woman's Party — established with 
its sympathizers and members all over the country. In the 
nature of things — ^the political situation being changeable, 
and demanding always subtle, delicate, and often swift and 
decisive handling— the actual work at Washington had to 
be planned and executed by a limited number. But those 
few must be able, forceful, and swiftly executive spirits. 
Their adherents all over the country were however kept as 
closely and constantly as possible in touch with that chang- 
ing situation. 


In addition, the Congressional Committee did all possible 
preliminary work with the incoming members of this Con- 
gress. The result on the Progressive members was encour- 
aging. Although there was a Woman Suffrage Committee 
in the Senate, there was none in the House. Thitherto, 
the Suffrage question had been sent to the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, the graveyard of the House. As a result of the 
work of the Congressional Committee, the Progressive 
Caucus, which met before the new Congress assembled, gave 
its unqualified indorsement to the proposal to create a 
Woman Suffrage Committee in the House. The Congres- 
sional Committee canvassed the Democratic members of the 
House and urged them to take similar action. The Demo- 
cratic Caucus, however, entirely ignored the question. 

Having brought Suffrage to the attention of the new 
President by the monster procession of March 3, the Con- 
gressional Committee proceeded to bring it to the attention 
of the new Congress by a second great demonstration. This 
was in support of the Federal Amendment, and it took place 
on the opening day of the special session of the Sixty-third 
Congress, April 7, 1913. Delegates from each of the 435 
Congressional districts in the United States assembled at 
Washington, bringing petitions from the men and women of 
their districts, asking for the passing of the Amendment. 
After the mass-meeting, the delegates marched, each behind 
her State banner, to the doors of Congress. The proces- 
sion was greeted at the steps of the Capitol by a group of 
Congressmen. One of them welcomed the petitioners in a 
speech pledging his support to their cause. They then led 
the delegation into the Rotunda, where a long receiving line 
of members of Congress repeated his welcome. The Suf- 
fragists took places which had been set aside for them in 
the galleries of the Senate and the House and watched the 
presentation of the petitions. 

Immediately after the petitions were presented. Represen- 
tative Mondell (Republican) of Wyoming, and Senator 
Chamberlain (Democrat) of Oregon introduced the Suffrage 


Amendment. In the Senate this resolution was referred to 
the Woman's Suffrage Committee, and in the House to the 
Judiciary Committee. Named, as is customary, after those 
who introduced it, the measure was known first as the 
Chamberlain-Mondell Amendment, and later as the Bristow- 
Mondell Amendment. It was in reality the famous Susan 
B. Anthony Amendment — first introduced into Congress in 
1878 by Senator Sargent of California — exactly as she drew 
it up. The Anthony Amendment runs as follows: 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to 
vote shall not be denied or abridged by any State on account 
of sex. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power by appropriate legis- 
lation to enforce the provisions of this article. 

On that same day — April 7, 1913 — resolutions were intro- 
duced in the House to create a Woman Suffrage Committee 
similar to that in the Senate. This was only a tiny gain; 
for that Committee was not actually created until Septem- 
ber, 1917. But a little later occurred what was a decided 
gain — the Senate created a Majority Committee on Woman 
Suffrage. The Woman Suffrage Committee in the Senate 
had been a Minority Committee thitherto. That meant 
that, as its Chairman belonged to the Minority Party, its 
existence was purely nominal. 

All these four months, the five women who constituted 
the Congressional Committee had been working at a tre- 
mendous speed. They had been made into a Committee 
on the understanding that the Committee would itself raise 
the money necessary for its work. Four months' experience 
had convinced them that the work of securing a Federal 
Amendment required a much greater effort than five women, 
working alone, could possibly give to it. The various 
State associations composing the National American 
Woman Suffrage Association were engrossed in their State 
campaigns. Little could be expected from them in the way 


of personal service or financial aid. When the Congressional 
Committee appealed to individuals, they found that these 
individuals were giving their time and service to the par- 
ticular State in which they lived. The Congressional Com- 
mittee realized that they must have an organization back 
of them to assist with work and money, whose sole object 
was national work. The Congressional Union for Woman 
Suffrage was therefore formed by the Congressional Com- 
mittee, with the approval of the President of the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association. 

The Congressional Union described itself as "a group 
of women in all parts of the country who have joined to- 
gether in the effort to secure the passage of an Amendment 
to the United States Constitution enfranchising women." It 
offered its members the privilege of making the oflSces at 
Washington their headquarters while in the city. It adopted 
colors — at the happy suggestion of Mrs. John Jay White — 
of purple, white, and gold. The Union grew rapidly, 
and was later admitted as an auxiliary to the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association. The Congressional 
Committee acted as the Executive Committee of this Con- 
gressional Union. Throughout the year the Union was of 
great assistance to the Committee. It reinforced its work 
in every possible way. 

The Suffrage resolution was now before the Committees 
in both Houses. The Congressional Union concentrated on 
securing a hearing before the Senate Committee. Every 
effort was made to focus the attention of Suffragists and of 
the country at large on the situation. A hearing was ar- 
ranged before the Committee, at^which Dr. Anna Howard 
Shaw, President of the National American Woman Suffrage 
Association, presided. In addition to this public hearing, 
the members of the Senate Committee were interviewed. And 
pursuing its course of keeping Suffragists in touch with 
what was happening at Washington, the Congressional Com- 
mittee circularized Suffragists aU over the country with 


letters which informed them that the resolution was before 
the Senate Committee, and asked them to write to this Com- 
mittee urging a favorable report. 

After six months of work occurred the first political 
triumph of the Congressional Union. On May 13, the 
Senate Committee voted to make a favorable report upon 
the Suffrage resolution. There, however, matters rested — 
with a favorable vote, but still in the Committee. The Suf- 
frajgists, however, besieged the Committee with requests to 
make the report and finally, on June 13, the report was 
made to the Senate — the first favorable one in twenty-one 
years. This put the measure on the Senate Calendar. 

Immediately the Congressional Union turned its attention 
to proving to the Senate how widespread was the support 
of this measure in the United States. 

A petition was circulated in every State in the Union. 
It asked for the passage of the Amendment, and was ad- 
dressed to the Senate. Thousands of signatures were ob- 
tained. During June and July, these petitions were collected 
and brought to Washington. Their arrival at the Capitol 
on July 31 was the occasion of the third great demonstra- 
tion. The petitioners came from every State, and they came 
in every possible way. They came by train, by motor, by 
caravan. They held meetings and collected signatures to 
the great petition in the districts through which they passed. 
All the delegations converged in the little town of Hyatts- 
ville, outside Washington. There — at the village grand- 
stand, they were met by members of the Congressional Union 
and of the Woman Suffrage Committee of the Senate. The 
reading clerk of the House of Representatives announced 
the members of the delegations as they arrived in their sev- 
eral motors. Members of the Senate Committee addressed 
them on behalf of the Congressional Committee of the Con- 
gressional Union. The Mayor of Hyattsville delivered to 
them the key of the town. Mary Ware Dennett replied 
for the delegates, and accepted the key of the town from 
the Mayor. The automobiles then formed into a procession, 


M which the first motor carried the members of the Senate 
Committee. The long line of cars, fluttering flags, and 
pennants, and each bearing the banner of its State delega- 
tion, proceeded from Hyattsville along the old Bunker Hill 
Road to the Capitol. There, the petitions were handed to 
the various Senators. Three Senators spoke against Suf- 
frage, but twenty-two in presenting the petitions spoke in 
favor of it. 

This was the second triumph of the Congressional Union. 
Suffrage was debated in Congress — the first time since 1887. 

The Congressional Committee now turned its attention to 
the work of convincing Congress of the interest in the 
Amendment of the women voters of the West. A Convention 
of the National Council of Women Voters was h^ld in Wash- 
ington on August 13, 14, and 15. Emma Smith Devoe, 
National President of the Council, and Jane Addams, Na- 
tional Vice-President, presided. Upon a motion by Jane 
Addams, the Council passed the following Resolution, 
strongly indorsing the Amendment: 

Whereas at the present time one-fifth of the Senate, one- 
seventh of the House^ and one-sixth of the electoral vote comes 
from equal Suffrage States; and 

Whereas, as a result of this political strength in Congress, 
due to the fact that four million women of the United States 
are now enfranchised, there is great hope of the passage in the 
near future of the Federal Suffrage Amendment; therefore be it 

Resolved, That the National Council of Women Voters con- 
centrate its efforts upon the support of this Federal Amendment. 

The Rules Committee of the House of Representatives on 
August 14 then gave the Council a hearing on the question 
of creating a Suffrage Committee in the House. 

The Convention ended in a mass-meeting at the Belasco 
Theatre, which, in spite of the midsummer heat of Wash- 
ington, was crowded to the doors. The platform was filled 
with Congressmen from Suffrage States. The women 
speakers iterated and reiterated the demand of the women 


voters of the West for immediate action by Congress, and 
the Congressmen supported them. 

In addition to these — ^processions, pilgrimages, petitions, 
deputations, and hearings, hundreds of public meetings or- 
ganized by the Washington Headquarters — were held every- 
where. A constant series of deputations from their own 
constituencies besieged the members of the Senate. All this 
was making its inevitable impression on Congress. Those 
days of the Sixty-third Congressional Session were crowded 
ones. The President had told the Suffragists that so much 
time must be given to the tariff and the currency that there 
would be none left for Women Suffrage. Yet more time was 
devoted to the Woman Suffrage question than ever before. 
On September 18, Senator Wesley L. Jones of Washington 
delivered a speech in the Senate, in which he urged that the 
Suffrage Resolution should be passed. In the House, a 
number of Representatives formerly opposed to the reso- 
lution now declared that they would support it when it came 
before them. 

In the meantime, the tariff and currency had finally been 
disposed of. A new Congress was to convene on December 1. 
Ever since his inauguration. Suffrage agitation of a strong, 
dignified, and convincing character had been brought to the 
President's attention. Suffragists hoped, therefore, that the 
President would feel that he could recommend the Suffrage 
Amendment to this new Congress. They decided, however, 
to present the matter to him in a forcible way. A fourth 
deputation of seventy-three women from his own State of 
New Jersey came to Washington in the middle of November. 

This delegation arrived on Saturday afterndon, Novem- 
ber 15. Until Monday morning, they tried in every possible 
way to arrange for an appointment with the President at 
the White House. Representative McCoy of New Jersey 
endeavored to assist them in this matter. Their efforts and 
his efforts were fruitless. 

Monday morning, at 10 o'clock, Alice Paul telephoned 


the Executive Office that, as it was impossible to find out 
what hour would suit the convenience of the President, the 
delegation was on its way to the White House. She explained 
that they would wait there until the President was ready to 
receive them, or would definitely refuse to do so. The clerk 
at the Executive Office declared over the telephone that it 
would be impossible to see the President without an appoint- 
ment. He assured Alice Paul that such a thing had never 
been done. Representative McCoy called up Headquarters, 
and reported his failure to secure an appointment. On 
being told that the delegation was going to call on the 
President anyway, he protested vehemently against its pro- 
ceeding to the White House without the usual official pre- 
liminaries. Alice Paul's answer was a single statement, — 
" The delegation has already started." 

In double file the seventy-three New Jersey women 
marched through Fifteenth Street, through Pennsylvania 
Avenue, past the Treasury Department, and up to the 
White House grounds. And, lo, as though their coming 
spread paralyzing magic, everything gave way before them. 
Two guards in uniform stood at the gate. They saluted 
and moved aside. The seventy-three women :qiarched un- 
challenged through the grounds to the door of the Executive 
Office. An attendant there requested them courteously to 
wait until after their two leaders should be presented to 
the President by his Secretary. 

The request that these seventy-three New Jersey women 
made to President Wilson was that he should support the 
Constitutional Amendment enfranchising women. President 
Wilson replied : " I am pleased, indeed, to greet you and 
your adherents here, and I will say to you that I was talking 
only yesterday with several Members of Congress in regard 
to the Suffrage Committee in the House. The subject is one 
in which I am deeply interested, and you may rest assured 
that I will give it my earnest attention." 

It is to be seen that the President's education had pro- 
gressed — a little. To previous delegations, he had stated 


merely that the tariff and currency would take so much of 
the attention of Congress that there would be no time for 
the Suffrage question. In advocating a Suffrage Committee 
in the House, he had made an advance — tiny, to be sure, 
but an advance. 

In the last month of 1913 occurred in Washington the 
Forty-fifth Annual Convention of the National American 
Woman Suffrage Association. The Convention opened 
with a mass-meeting at the Columbia Theatre. Dr. Anna 
Howard Shaw presided. Jane Addams and Senator Helen 
Ring Robinson were the principal speakers. At the opening 
meeting of the Convention, Lucy Burns repeated the warn- 
ing of the Congressional Union to the Democratic Party : 

The National American Women Suffrage Association is assem- 
bled in Washington to ask the Democratic Party to enfranchise 
the women of America. 

Rarely in the history of the country has a party been more 
powerful than the Democratic Party is today. It controls the 
Executive Office, the Senate, and more than two-thirds of the 
members of the House of Representatives. !^t is in a position to 
give us effective and immediate help. 

We ask the Democrats to take action now. Those who hold 
power are responsible to the country for the use of it. They 
are responsible, not only for what they do, but for what they 
do not do. Inaction establishes just as clear a record as does 
a policy of open hostility. 

We have in our hands today not only the weapon of a just case ; 
we have the support of ten enfranchised States — States com- 
prising one-fifth of the United States, one-seventh of the House 
of Representatives and one-sixth of the electoral vote. More 
than three million, six hundred thousand women have a vote in 
Presidential elections. It is unthinkable that a national govern- 
ment which irepreseifts women, and which appeals periodically 
to the Suffrages of women, should ignore the issue of their right 
to political freedom. 

We cannot wait until after the passage of the scheduled ad- 
ministration reforms. These reforms, which affect women, should 
not be enacted without the consent of women. Congress is free 
to take action on our question in the present Session. We ask 


the administration to support the Woman Suffrage Amendment 
in Congress with its full strength. 

On December 4, a second meeting was held before the 
Rules Committee of the House on the creation of a Woman 
Suffrage Committee in the House of Representatives. Ida 
Husted Harper reminded the Rules Committee at this hear- 
ing that nine States and one Territory had enfranchised 
their women, and that nearly four million women could vote 
at a Presidential election, Mary Beard showed by an 
analysis of the vote which sent President Wilson to the 
White House that the Democratic strength was already 
threatened, and how it could strengthen itself by espousing 
the Suffrage Cause. 

Notwithstanding the appeal of the seventy-three New 
Jersey women, the President's message to Congress on De- 
cember 2 failed to make any mention whatever of the Suf- 
frage Amendment. 

In consequence, a Committee representing each State in 
the Union was appointed by the Convention of the National 
American Woman Suffrage Association to wait upon the 
President and protei^t. President Wilson was prevented by 
illness from seeing any visitors during the week the Con- 
vention met. The Convention, therefore, authorized the 
appointment of a Committee of fifty-five delegates, who 
should remain in Washington until the President was able 
to see them. The interview took place the following Monday 
at 12 : 30. This was the fifth deputation to President 
Wilson. The President said, according to the Washington 
Post of December 9: 

I want you ladies, if possible — if I can make it clear to you — 
to realize just what my present position is. Whenever I walk 
abroad, I realize that I am not a free man; I am under arrest. 
I am so carefully and admirably guarded that I have not even 
the privilege of walking the street. That is, as it were, typical 
of my present transference from being an individual with his 
mind on any and every subject, to being an official of a great 
Government and, incidentally, or so it falls out under our sys- 


tern of Government, the spokesman of a Party. I set myself 
this strict rule when I was Governor of New Jersey and have 
followed it as President, and shall follow it as President, that 
I am not at liberty to urge upon Congress policies which have 
not had the organic consideration of those for whom I am 

In other words, I have not yet presented to any legislature 
my private views on any subject, and I never shall; because I 
conceive that to be a part of the whole process of government, 
that I shall be spokesman for somebody, not for myself. 

When I speak for myself, I am an individual; when I speak 
for an organic body, I am a representative. For that reason 
you see, I am by my own principles shut out, in the language 
of the street, from starting anything. I have to confine myself 
to those things which have been embodied as promises to the 
people at an election. That is the strict rule I set for nayself. 

I want to say that with regard to all other matters I am not 
only glad to be consulted by my colleagues in the two Houses, 
but I hope that they will often pay me the compliment of con- 
sulting me when they want to know my opinions on any subject. 
One member of the Rules Committee did come to ask me what 
I thought about this suggestion of yours of appointing a special 
committee for consideration of the question of Woman Suffrage, 
and I told him that I thought it was a proper thing to do. So 
that as far as my personal advice has been asked by a single 
member of the Committee, it has been given to that effect. I 
wanted to tell you that to show you that I am strictly living up 
to my principles. When my private opinion is asked by those 
who are co-operating with me, I am most glad to give it; but I 
am not at liberty until I speak for somebody besides myself to 
urge legislation upon the Congress. 

Dr. Shaw stepped forward to address the President within 
the circle of deeply attentive hearers, spoke very quietly and 
firmly in her clear and beautiful voice. 

" Of the two — the President and Dr. Shaw," said one of 
the spectators afterward, " Dr. Shaw spoke with greater 
authority, as if with the consciousness of a perfectly just 
cause. The President was less assured, more hesitat- 
ing." ... 

" As women are members of no political Party, to whom 
are they to look for a spokesman? " Dr. Shaw asked. 


"You speak very well for yourself," said the President, 

" But not with authority," said Dr. Shaw earnestly. 
The deputation then left the President's Office. 
Editorially in the Suffragist of December 13 appears: 

The rule that President Wilson has so strictly set for himself, 
is a rule not laid down in the Constitution nor in the practice of 
preceding Presidents, nor in the President's own acts, nor in his 
own words. 

Nevertheless, the statement of President Wilson to the Presi- 
dent of the National American Woman Suffrage Association is 
of great value to the Suffrage movement. The President therein 
declares that he is only the spokesman of his Party and that he 
wiU initiate only legislation which has heen indorsed by his 
Party. He puts the whole question of Federal legislation for 
Woman Suffrage directly up to the Democratic Party in Con- 
gress, and instructs Suffragists throughout the country to hold 
that Party responsible for the fate of the Constitutional Amend- 
ment enfranchising women. He has outlined for us, therefore, 
the policy of bringing effective pressure to bear on the national 
Democratic Party from all parts of the country, in an effort 
to make them realize soon what they must recognize finally, that 
it is more expedient for them as a Party to advocate Suffrage 
than to ignore and resist it. 

Nevertheless, the President's education had progressed 
another step. For the first time, he felt the necessity of 
explaining — and by implication — of excusing himself. 

This visit to the President completed the principal work 
of the year 1913 on the part of the Congressional Committee 
and the Congressional Union. 

Many things had been done in this year, in addition to 
what has already been indicated. A district of Columbia 
Branch of the Men's League for Woman Suffrage was 
organized ; this was composed largely of Congressmen. Lec- 
tures, receptions, tableaux, benefits, teas had been given, 
and a Suffrage School opened in Washington. Seven large 
mass-meetings, exclusive of Convention meetings, were held 
at Washington. An uninterrupted series of indoor and 


outdoor meetings, numbering frequently frbm five to ten a 
day, constantly reminded Congress of the Suffrage question, 
A summer campaign, carried on by Mabel Vernon and 
Edith Marsden, covered the resort regions of New Jersey, 
Long Island, and Rhode Island, and extended into the 

Twenty-seven thousand dollars had been raised at the 
Washington Headquarters, and spent. And there were 
results. The chief one was that it focussed the attention — 
not only of Suffragists themselves — but of politicians and 
the country at large on the Federal Amendment. 

June, 1913, brought Presidential Suffrage to the women 
of Illinois. Only Presidential Suffrage ; but that was very 
important. Astute women everywhere were watching the 
situation ; drawing their own and independent conclusions. 

Toward the end of the year, the Congressional Union 
established an official weekly organ, the Suffragist, edited 
by the well-known publicist, Rheta Childe Dorr. The first 
issue appeared on November 15, and it has been published 
ever since. 

Lucy Burns, whose editorials were marvels of ironic 
logic, of forceful condensed expression, succeeded Mrs. ' 
Dorr. Then came Vivian Pierce, a trained newspaper woman ; 
Sue White, well-known to Suffragists for her splendid work 
in Tennessee; Florence Boeckel, able, efficient, untiring. 
Pauline Clark, Clara Wold, Elizabeth Kalb contributed sup- 
plementing editorial work. 

The Suffragist has reported the activities first of the 
Congressional Union, and next of the Woman's Party. It 
is an extremely entertaining periodical, always interesting, 
often brilliant, essentially readable. It contains editorials, 
reports, sketches, verse, cartoons. Many famous people 
have contributed articles. The reports of the workers in 
the Woman's Party make much the most interesting reading 
however. Many famous artists have given it drawings. The 
most pertinent, though, are those contributed by a member 
of the Congressional Union — ^'ma. Allender. 


Mrs. AUender's fertile and original pencil has traced 
during the entire eight years of its history a running com- 
mentary on the progress of the Woman's Party. She has a 
keenjolitical sense. She has translated this aspect of the 
feminist movement in terms that women alone can best 
appreciate. Her work is full of the intimate everyday de- 
tails of the woman's life from her little girlhood to her old 
age. And she translates that existence with a woman's 
vivacity and a woman's sense of humor ; a humor which plays 
keenly and gracefully about masculine insensibility ; a humor 
as realistic, but as archly un-bitter as that of Jane Austen. 
It would be impossible, for any man to have done Mrs. 
AUender's work, A woman speaking to women, about 
women, in the language of women. 

There is no better place than here to emphasize the work 
of the Press Department. It will be apparent to the reader, 
as the story of the Woman's Party unrolls itself, that the 
work of this department was very diiBcult and very delicate. 
The problem was twofold — to keep the action of the party 
always in the public eye and to bring out the underlying 
policy. This was not easy when the demonstrations of the 
Woman's Party were of the kind whose initial effect was 
to antagonize. Nevertheless, the Press Department mini- 
mized that antagonism and minimized by a propaganda 
which was as restrained in expression as it was vivid in 
description. Newspaper men generally felt that they could 
depend on the Woman's Party for news. Florence Brewer 
Boeckel, who has been press chairman since 1915, is respon- 
sible for this magnificent press campaign. But she has not 
lacked help. Eleanor Taylor Marsh, Alice Gram, Beulah 
Amidon, and Margaret Grahan Jones, have given her steady 

Early in the year 1914, the Congressional Union resigned 
from the National American Woman Suffrage Association. 
The constitution of the National Association permitted a 
Suffrage body to join it in one of two ways. B|y one, a 


new clause imposed a five per cent tax in dues upon its 
budget. By another, it paid annually one hundred dollars 
dues. The Congressional Union felt that a five per cent tax 
upon its budget would seriously cripple its work. The 
Union ofi'ered to become an associated body. The National 
Association refused this offer, and the Congressional Union, 
therefore, became an independent organization. 



The Suffragist of January 24, 1914, carried the follow- 
ing editorial. In it is repeated the policy which the Con- 
gressional Union had in the beginning adopted — that of 
holding the party in power responsible. 

The policy of the Congressional Union is to ask for a Woman 
Suffrage Amendment from the Party in power in Congress, and 
to hold them responsible for their answer to its request. 

This policy is entirely non-partisan, in that it handles all 
Parties with perfect impartial!^. If the Bepublicans were in 
power, we would regard them in their capacity as head of the 
Government as responsible for the enfranchisement of women. 
If the Progressives or Socialists should become the majority 
Party, and control the machinery of Congress, we would claim 
from them the right to govern ourselves, and would hold them 
responsible for a refusal of this just demand. 

Today the Democrats are in power. They control the execu- 
tive office, the Senate, and the House. They can, if they will, 
enfranchise women in the present session; their refusal to do 
so establishes a record which must necessarily be taken into con- 
sideration by women when the Party seeks the re-indorsement 
of the people at the polls. 

This policy simply recognizes the effect of our American sys- 
tem of Government. Ours is a government by Parties. The 
majority by secret caucus, by the control of committees, by the 
power of patronage, by their appeal to Party responsibility, by 
the interest of Party solidarity, control the legislation of the 
House. The present government recognizes this method of ad- 
ministration with especial, and indeed admirable, frankness. It 
owes much of its popularity today to its willingness to assume 
full responsibility for all the legislation enacted in Congress; 
for whatever is done, and what is not done. The two great 
measures of the last session, tariff and currency, passed rapidly 
and successfully through both Houses by the frank use of Party 




Let us by all means deal directly with the people who can 
give us what we want. The Democrats have it in their power 
to enfranchise women. . . . This is not only our most logical 
method of work, but it is also the most economical and expe- 
ditious. Assuming that the Democrats yield nothing in the pres- 
ent session, we can, when Congress closes, concentrate our forces 
on those points where the Party is weakest, and thus become a 
force worth bargaining with. At the present moment, the Senate 
is the weakest point in the Democratic armor. To defeat even 
a few Democratic Senators in November, 1914, would make a 
serious breach ^in the Party organization. ... If, on the other 
hand, we set out to attack every anti-Suffragist in Congress, we 
should have hundreds to defeat, and every man would be safe 
in whose constituency we did not organize. Imagine that, if at 
the end of arduous labor, we had contrived to defeat a number 
of Democratic anti-Suffragists, and an equal number of Repub- 
lican anti-Suffragists, we should by immense sacrifice have com- 
pletely nullified our own efforts, and left the strength of the 
Parties just where it was before. . . . 

What should we do in our enfranchised States, if we confined 
ourselves to the plan of supporting individual Suffragists and 
attacking individual anti-Suffragists, irrespective of their Party 
affiliations.'' All the candidates for office in the enfranchised 
States are Suffragists. Is it suggested that we be inactive in the 
only places where we possess real political power? Our problem 
at the present moment is to use the strength of women's votes 
in national elections so as to force attention to the justice of 
our claim from the present administration. . . . 

But the Congressional Union cannot make it too clear that we 
are not opposed to any Party today. We are asking the Demo- 
crats to help us; we are awaiting their answer. We will frame 
no policy for or against them or any other Party until this ses- 
sion closes, and the great opportunity of the present Administra- 
tion has come to an end. We entertain steady and undiminished 
hopes that the Administration will recognize the justice and ex- 
pediency of women's claims to self-government. The movement 
is making immense strides in every part of the country; our 
present voting strength is great, and will undoubtedly be increased 
in the present year. It takes no great imaginative reach for the 
ordinary Congressman to foresee the day when Woman Suffrage 
will be an established fact throughout these United States. 

There is already a strong sentiment in the Upper House for 
Woman Suffrage, and a rapidly-growing interest in it in the 
Lower House. We have no reason to expect wilful obstinacy 


from our American Congressmen. We Americans are adaptable 
and imaginative, and can shape ourselves with peculiar ease to 
coming events. The Democratic Party, if it is wise, will pass 
our Amendment through Congress in the present session. 

The first year Congressional Committee, consisting of 
Alice Paul, Lucy Burns, Mary Beard, Crystal Eastman, and 
Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, continued their work in 1914 with 
the Congressional Union under the name of the Executive 
Committee of the Congressional Union ; but it was increased 
by the addition of Mrs. William Kent, Elsie Hill, Mrs. 
Gilson Gardner, Mrs. Donald R. Hooker, and Mrs. O. H. P. 

The year opened with a meeting at the home of Mrs. 
William Kent in Washington. Plans for the coming year 
were submitted at that meeting. Among them was one for 
a nation-wide demonstration on May 2, in which resolutions 
supporting the Federal Amendment were to be passed. This 
was to be followed by a great demonstration in Washington 
on May 9, at which those resolutions should be presented 
to Congress. Among them also was another plan for the 
appeal to the women voters of the West for political action 
in support of a Federal Amendment, if that Amendment had 
not been passed before the next election. Nine thousand 
dollars were pledged on the spot for these undertakings. 
The work on the great demonstration of May 2 began at 
once, and was pushed rapidly during the opening months 
of the year. 

In the meantime the work on Congress was continued. 
It will be remembered that a proposal for the formation of 
a Suffrage Committee in the House had been before the 
Rules Committee since April 7, 1913, that it had been the 
subject of two hearings arranged by the Congressional 
Union. The first action in regard to this was simple and 
decisive. The Democratic Members of the Rules Committee, 
who constituted a Majority Committee, met first, apart from 
their Republican and Progressive colleagues, and, by a vote 
of four to three, decided against the formation of a Suffrage 


Committee. They then went through the form of a meeting 
with the Republican and Progressive Members on January 
24. The resolution, creating the Suffrage Committee, was 
lost by a vote of four to four. 

The Congressional Union, however, realized that the final 
power with regard to Congressional action was with the 
Democratic Caucus. They determined therefore — ^in order 
that the responsibility for inaction or opposition flight be 
placed on the Democrats as a Party — immediately to appeal 
to that Caucus to overturn the decision of the Rules Com- 
mittee. The necessary signatures were secured to a petition 
calling for the Democratic Caucus of the House to take up 
the question of the formation of this much-desired Suffrage 
Committefe. The Caucus met on February 3, 1914, to con- 
sider this subject. The Democratic Party had a choice of 
two courses. It could order the Rules Committee, which it 
of course controlled, to give a favorable report to the 
House on the resolution creating a Suffrage Committee. Or 
it could give no order at all of this kind; in which case it 
revealed itself as responsible for the adverse action of the 
Rules Committee. 

What it did was to adopt a substitute resolution for the 
resolution providing for the creation of a Committee of 
Woman Suffrage. 

That substitute resolution was : " Resolved, that the ques- 
tion of Woman Suffrage is a State and not a Federal 

This was the first time in the history of the country that 
either of the two great Parties had ever caucused on Woman 

Editorially the Suffragist put the situation pithily to 
the women of America : 

This is the definite lining up of tke Democratic Party 
against Woman Snflfrage as a national measure. . . . Unless 
the Democratic Party reconsiders its present position. Suffragists 
must necessarily regard that Party as an obstruction in the path 
of their campaign. . '. . They (the Democratic Party) have 


three votes to lose in the Senate and they lose control of this 

Sivernment. There are nine States in which women vote for 
nited States Senators. The result fn the Senatorial elections 
in these States will undoubtedly depend largely upon the action 
on Suffrage taken by the Democratic Party. 

Although the Congressional Union welcomed any simpli- 
fication of the Congressional machinery as by the creation 
of a Suffrage Committee, its object was to secure action on 
the Suffrage Amendment. Since April 7, 1913, the Amend- 
ment had been before the Judiciary Committee in which it 
had been introduced by Representative Mondell. The Con- 
gressional Union asked for a hearing on the Amendment 
before this Committee. March 3, 1914, was set for that 

Thitherto, these hearings had been dreary occasions, 
sparsely attended. There was the half -circle of Committee 
members, a trifle perfunctory in its attitude, the scattered, 
tiny audience, very little interested or stirred ; the few Suf- 
fragists pleading — eloquently, it is true — ^but pleading; using 
^he inevitable Suffrage arguments, unanswerable, but thread- 
bare. The hearing of March 3 was very different. The 
Committee was electrically alert. . . . They listened in- 
tently. . . . For the first time at a Congressional hearing, 
propagandistic argument did not appear. The Suffragists 
appealed to the Committee to report the Suffrage Resolution 
to the House — not as a matter of justice to women — but 
as practical politics. They pointed out to the Committee 
that the women voters of the West would hold the Demo- 
cratic Party responsible for the refusal of this Committee 
to make that report. 

In the meantime, highly important things had been going 
on in the Senate. It will be remembered that the Suffrage 
Resolution had been placed upon the Senate Calendar in 
June, 1913. Ever since that date, it had been awaiting a 
vote. It could be voted on any time up to the close of the 
Sixty-third Congress (March 3, 1915). 


At the beginning of the year 1914, more votes were 
pledged in its favor than had carried the Income Tax in 
the Senate, and sentiment in its favor was steadily increas- 
ing among the Senators. Moreover, the prospect that the 
Referendum elections of the coming autumn would add to 
the number of Suffrage States promised an increase of Suf- 
frage strength in the Senate. There remained — as it 
transpired — a whole year before that Congress adjourned, 
in which the work of obtaining the vote could have gone on. 
These features of the situation made the Congressional 
Union most desirous that the Resolution should not be voted 
upon until every possible vote was won. However, Senator 
Ashurst, who had reported the Bill to the Senate, had it 
made " unfinished business " on March 2, 1914. It is the 
spirit of " unfinished business " that it must be brought up 
and voted on. In spite of the vigorous protests of the Con- 
gressional Union, and of many Suffragists in all parts of 
the country, it was brought to the vote on March 17. A 
two-thirds vote was necessary to carry it. It received 
thirty-five; a majority, it is true, of one vote; but failing 
of the necessary two-thirds majority by eleven. The Con- 
gressional Union blamed the Democratic leaders entirely for 
this premature vote, as they were fully informed that a vote 
at that time would mean defeat. 

However, this was a memorable moment. It was the 
first time since 1887 that Suffrage had been voted upon 
in the Senate. And from the moment on March 2 when 
it was made " unfinished business " until March 17, when 
the vote' was taken, the Senate debated it almost continu- 

On that same day — March 2 — Senator Shafroth of 
Colorado introduced a resolution providing for a new Suf- 
frage Amendment to the Federal Constitution. This was 
to become famous as the Shafroth-Palmer Resolution. It 
offered a path to the enfranchisement of women incredibly 
cluttered and cumbered. It reads: 


Section 1. Whenever any number of legal voters of any State 
to a number exceeding eight per cent of the number of legal 
voters voting at the last preceding General Election held in such 
State shall petition for the submission to the legal voters of said 
State of the question whether women shall have equal rights 
with men in respect to voting at all elections to be held in such 
State, such question shall be so submitted; and if, upon such 
submission, a majority of the legal voters of the State voting 
on the question shall vote in favor of granting to women such 
equal rights, the same shall thereupon be deemed established, 
anything in the constitution or laws of such State to the contrary 

Compare this with the simplicity and directness of the 
original Susan B. Anthony Amendment: 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any 
Statje on account of sex. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power by appropriate legis- 
lation to enforce the provisions of this article. 

The National American Woman Suffrage Association 
immediately rallied to the support of the Shaf roth-Palmer 
Amendment; they continued to give io it their undivided 
work for two years. 

But the Congressional Union — I quote the vigorous words 
of the Report of the Congressional Union for the year 1914 : 

The Congressional Union immediately announced its deter- 
mination to support only the original Amendment, known popu- 
larly as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, and in Congress 
as the Bristow-Mondell Amendment. It maintained that to work 
at the same time for two Suffrage amendments to the National 
Constitution would enable the enemies of the bill to play one 
against the other. Believing that one amendment only must be 
supported, it felt that it was wise to support the amendment 
which would give Suffrage itself rather than an amendment 
which, after the same expenditure of effort would give only 
another method of obtaining Suffrage — that is, would merely 
establish the initiative on the Suffrage question. The Union, 
moreover, feeling that the bane of the Suffrage cause at present 
was too many and not too few referendumSj held that to pass 


a Federal Amendment — ^which would inaugurate thirty-nine ref- 
erendum campaigns would involve the movement in a dissipation 
of resources such as its enemies would most deeply desire. 
Finally, it held that the passage of one Suffrage amendment to 
the National Constitution would make it extremely difficult to 
pass another ; so that if the Shaf roth Bill became a law, it would 
probably indefinitely postpone the passage of the Anthony, 
Amendment, and doom the movement to years of referendum 
campaigns. ^ 

Not at all daunted by the action of the Senate in defeating 
the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, nor by the introduction 
there of the Shafroth-Palmer Amendment, the Congressional 
Union at once secured the re-introduction in the Senate of 
the defeated Amendment. The measure was out of the 
Senate only twenty-two hours. The following day. Senator 
Bristow introduced a resolution identical with the one which 
had been lost. On April 7, it was again reported from the 
Woman Suffrage Committee, and took its place on the 
Calendar of the Senate. This was just a year from the 
date of its original introduction to this Senate. It was the 
second favorable report of the Senate Committee in one 

Here we leave the work with Congress for a while, and 
take up the matter of the education of the President. We 
must go back a few months. 



Although five different deputations — Congressional Union 
members ; college women ; women voters ; New Jersey women ; 
women from all the States — ^had called on the Presi- 
dent, it was apparent that he had undergone no change in 
his attitude toward the Suffrage question. On February 2, 
1914, therefore, another deputation, the sixth — and an ex- 
ceedingly interesting one — marched to the White House. 
This deputation included women from the industrial world 
and they represented more than fifty trades in which women 
are engaged. They carried banners which bore quotations 
from the President's New Freedom: " We Have Got to 
Humanize Industry," and " I Absolutely Protest Against ' 
Being Put into the Hands of Trustees." 

At the mass-meeting, preliminary to waiting upon the 
President, Melinda Scott, an organizer of the Women's 
Trade Union League, said: ' 

No one could be serious when they maintained that the ballot 
will not help the working woman. It has helped the working 
man to better his conditions and his wages. Men of every class 
regard the ballot as their greatest protection against the injustice 
. of other men. Women even more than men need the ballot to 
protect their especial interests and their right to earn a living. 
. . . We want a law that will prohibit home-work. . , . We 
hear about the sacredness of the home. What sacredness is 
there about a home when it is turned into a factory, where we 
find a mother, very often with a child at her breast, running 
a sewing machine? Running up thirty-sev£n seams for a cent. 
Ironing and pressing shirts seventy cents a dozen, and children 
making artificial flowers for one cent a gross. Think of it — 
one hundred and forty flowers for one cent. Taking stitches 
out of coats, helping their mothers where they have finished 
them for six cents a coat. These women have had no chance 



to make laws that would protect themselves or their children. . . . 
The organized working woman has learnt through her trade 
union the power of industrial organization, and she realizes what 
her power would be if she had the ballot. . . . Men legislating 
as a class for women and children as a class have done exactly 
what every other ruling class has done since the history of the 
world. They discriminate against the class that has no voice. 
Some of the men say, " You women do not need a ballot ; we will 
take care of you." We have no faith in man's protection. . . . 
Give us the ballot, and we will protect ourselves. 

This army of four hundred arrived safely, with perfect 
police escort, at the doors of the White House. They were 
amazed to learn that the President would see only twentyr 
five of the women. He had said he would " receive the dele- 
gation." The selected number then went in, the remaining 
three hundred and seventy-five waited in line outside. 

Margaret Hinchey, a laundry worker of New York, said : 

Mr. President: It is shaking and trembling, I, as a laundry 
worker, come here to speak in behalf of the working women of 
the United States. I have read about you, and think you are 
fair, square, on the level, and so much a real democrat, that I 
believe when it is made clear to you how much we working 
women, who organize in the factories, the mills, the laundries, 
and the stores, can help every true democrat, you will use your 
power to wipe out this great injustice to women by giving us 
a vote. 

Rose Winslow said: 

Mr. President: I am one of the thousands of women who work 
in the sweated trades, and have been since a child, who give 
their lives to build up these tremendous industries in this coun- 
try, and at the end of the years of work, our reward is the 
tuberculosis sanatorium or the street. I do not think to plead 
with you, Mr. President, nor make a regular speech. I do 
not speak to Presidents every day; it hasn't been my job, so I 
don't do it very gracefully. 

Here the President interrupted Miss Winslow by stating 
that he did not see why she should be so nervous, as Presi- 
dents are perfectly huban. Miss Winslow then continued: 


Yes, I knowj and that is why I can speak to you, because you 
are human and have a heart and mind and can realize our 
great need. I do not need to remind you how we women need 
the ballot, etc. 

The President said: 

I need not tell you that a group of women like this appeals 
to me very deeply indeed. I do not have to tell you what my 
feelings are, but I have already explained — because I feel 
obliged to explain — the limitations that are laid upon me as the 
leader of a Party. Until the Party, as such, has considered the 
matter of this very supreme importance and taken its position, 
I am not at liberty to speak of it; and yet, I am not at liberty 
to speak as an individual, for I am not an individual. As you 
isee, I either speak to it in a message, as you suggest, or I do 
not speak at all. That is the limitation I am under, and all I 
can say to you ladies, is that the strength of your agitation in 
this matter undoubtedly will make a profound impression. 

In view of later opinions of the President in regard to 
his leadership — and in view of the fact that later even 
Democratic Congressmen referred to his " dictatorship " — 
his attitude to the women this day was most interesting. 

Mrs. Glendower Evans, who was in charge of the deputa- 
tion, said: 

We understand your position and its difficulties quite well, Mr. 
President, but nevertheless we ask, where can we look for po- 
litical action ? We recognize that the verdict must come not from 
you alone, but from the whole Party. I do not ask you to break 
with your Party. What I ask is, will you use your influence 
within your Party ? I do not ask the impossible, though I might 
from you, for you have done the impossible. 

It is apparent that the President's education was pro- 
gressing. He was beginning to be struck with the strength 
of the Woman Suffrage agitation ; although he still believed 
himself powerless to help in the work with Congress. 

Early in June, 1914, the National Federation of Women's 
Clubs meeting in Chicago, had given its indorsement, as an 
organization, to Woman Suffrage. Following this action by' 


the Federation, another delegation — the seventh — of five 
hundred club women under the leadership of Mrs. Harvey 
W. Wiley, waited upon the President on June 30. I quote 
from the Suffragist: 

The deputation had assembled for a preliminary mass-meeting 
at the Public Library. . . . Leaving the Library, the deputa- 
tion, which extended over several blocks, marched in single files 
to the White House. ... It passed through the Arcade and 
into the East Room. . . . Women were massed about the State 
Apartment, filling it from end to end, and leaving a hollow 
square in which Mrs. Ellis Logan and Mrs. Wiley and Rheta 
Childe Dorr awaited the President's arrival. Preceded by his 
aide, the President entered. . . . 

" Mr. President," said Mrs. Dorr, " we are well aware that 
you are the busiest of men. I shall therefore go directly to the 
point and tell you that our reason for calling on you today is 
to ask you if you will not use your powerful influence with 
Congress to have the Bristow-Mondell Amendment passed in this 

The President replied: 

Mrs. Wiley and Ladies: No one can fail to be impressed by 
this great company of useful women, and I want to assure you 
that' it is to me most impressive. I have stated once before the 
position which, as leader of a Party, I feel obliged to take, and 
I am sure you will not wish me to state it again. Perhaps it 
would be more serviceable if I ventured upon the confident con- 
jecture that the Baltimore Convention did not embody this very 
important question in the platform which it adopted because of 
its conviction that the principles of the Constitution which allotted 
these questions to the State were well-considered principles from 
which they did not wish to depart. 

You have asked me to state my personal position in regard to 
the pending measure. It is my conviction that this is a matter 
for settlement by the States, and not by the Federal Govern- 
ment, and, therefore, that being my personal conviction, and it 
being obvious that there is no ground on your part for discour- 
agement in the progress you are making, and my passion being 
local self-government and the determination by the great com- 
munities into which this nation is organized of their own policy 
and life, I can only say that since you turned away from me 
as a leader of a Party and asked me my position as a man, I 


am obliged to state it very frankly, and I believe that in stating 
it I am probably in agreement with those who framed the plat- 
form to which allusion has been made. 

I think that very few persons, perhaps, realize the difficulty 
and the dual duty that must be exercised, whether he will or 
not, by a President of the United States. He is President of 
the United States as an executive charged with the administra- 
tion of the law, but he is the choice of a Party as a leader in 
policy. The policy is determined by the Party, or else upon 
unusual and new circumstances by the determination of those 
who lead the Party. This is my situation as an individual. I 
have told you that I believed that the best way of settling this 
thing and the best considered principles of the Constitution with 
regard to it, is that it should be settled by the States. I am 
very much obliged to you. 

The President paused. He looked relieved. There was a 
moment's silence, and then Mrs. Dorr said: 

" May I ask you this question? Is it not a fact that we have 
very good precedents existing for altering the electorate by Con- 
stitutional Amendment? " 

The President's face changed. " I do not think," he said, 
" that that has anything to do with my conviction as to the best 
way that it could be done." 

" It has not," agreed Mrs. Dorr, " but it leaves room for the 
women of the country to say what they want through the Con- 
stitution of the United States." 

" Certainly it does," the President said hastily, " there is good 
room. But I have stated my conviction. I have no right to 
criticize the opinions of those who have different convictions and 
I certainly would not wish to do so." 

Mrs. Wiley stepped forward. " Granted that it is a State 
matter," she said, " would it not give this great movement an 
impetus if the Resolution now pending before Congress were 
passed ? " 

" But the Resolution is for an Amendment to the Constitu- 
tion," the President objected. 

" The States would have to pass upon it before it became an 
Amendment," said Mrs. Wiley. "Would it not be a State 
matter then ? " 

" Yes," the President interrupted, " but by a very different 
process, for by that process it would be forced upon the minority; 
they would have to accept it." 

" They could reject it if they wished to," said Mrs. Dorr. 
" Three-fourths of the States would have to pass it." 


" Yes," the President said, with distinct annoyance, " but the 
other fourth could not reject it." 

" Mr. President," said Mrs. Dorr, " don't you think that when 
the Constitution was framed it was agreed that when three- 
fourths of the States wanted a reform, the other fourth should 
accept it also ? " 

The President was plainly disconcerted. He stepped back. 

" I cannot say," he replied frigidly, " what was agreed upon. 
I can only say that I have tried to answer your question, and 
I do not think it is quite proper that I submit myself to cross- 

" Very well," Mrs. Dorr said quietly. " We will not cross- 
examine you further." 

" Thank you, Mr. President," said Mrs. Wiley, " for your 
courtesy in receiving us." 

The President bowed. " I am very much obliged to you," he 
said. " It has been a very pleasant occasion." 

In the Suffragist Lucy Burns said editorially : 

The President has told a deputation of club women that they 
must win political freedom from State Legislatures; but not 
from him, not from Congress. 

This position is obvious pretense.. The national government 
has the power, granted it by the constitution, to enfranchise 
women. It has, therefore, the duty of doing so, if women's 
claim to enfranchisement is just. 

The President knows as well as we do the enormous difficulty 
of winning the vote by amending the Constitution of thirty-nine 
different States. It is amazing that a man can be found who 
will calmly direct women to take up this great burden when 
men are responsible for their need. Men alone, in all but ten 
States, have the power to change our laws. The good or evil 
of these laws is their praise or blame. It is a public injustice 
today that men deny to women in the ballot a means of self- 
protection which they are glad to possess themselves. Men are 
ethically on the defensive — particularly the men, or group of 
men, who from time to time monopolize political power. For the 
President of the United States, who incorporates in himself the 
power of the whole nation, and who is, therefore, more respon- 
sible than any other persoij today for the subjugation of women, 
to declare that he washes his hands of their whole case, is to 
presume upon greater ignorance among women than he will find 
they possess. 

Nevertheless, we are specifically informed by the President 


that it is " not proper " for us to " cross-examine " him on the 
grounds of his refusal to help us. 

Only fitfully do women realize the astounding arrogance of 
their rulers. 

And later: 

Some few curious commentaries cropped up editorially. 
Under the caption, "Heckling the President/* the Netif York 
Times says: "It certainly was not proper. The President of 
the United States is not to be heckled or hectored or made a 
defendant. ... To catechise him when he had finished his 
speech to them is a thing never done by similar delegations of 

The Times has not grasped the fact that no similar delegation 
of men is possible. Men approach their own representative. 
If he disagrees with them, they have a legitimate remedy in 
their own hands, and can choose another representative at a 
duly appointed time. Women approach the President as members 
of a disfranchised class. The President does not represent them. 
He bears no constitutional relation to them whatever. If the 
President rejects their appeal, they have no legal means of 
redress. If they may not question the President on the justice 
of his refusal to help them, cannot question him gently and 
reasonably as they did — ^their position is indeed a subservient one. 

And who told the Times that men never question the President 
" after he had finished his speech to them ? " While the Tariff 
Bill was before Congress, representatives of men's interests 
argued with him for hours. But they were men, and voters. 

On January 6, 1915, another deputation — the eighth — 
of one hundred and fifty Democratic women appeared before 
the President. Mrs. George A. Armes, President of the 
Association of the National Democratic Women of America, 
introduced the speakers, Alberta Hill and Dr. Frances G. 
Van Gasken. He greeted Miss Hill with marked cordiality 
and listened attentively as she briefly and with great earnest- 
ness pointed out that, while the Federal Government pro- 
tected men in the exercise of citizenship throughout the 
United States, a woman lost her right to vote when she 
crossed the line from a Suffrage to a non-Suffrage State. 
Miss 'Hill read the following extracts from the speech de- 
livered by Mr. Wilson on the occasion of the formation of 


the Wilson and Marshall League at Spring Lake, New 
Jersey, two months after his nomination. 

When the last word is said about politics, it is merely the life 
of all of us from the point of view of what can be accomplished 
by legislation find the administration of public offices. I think 
it is artificial to idivide life up into sections: it is all of one 
piece though you can't attend to all pieces of it at once. 

And so when the women, who are in so many respects at the 
heart of life, begin to take an interest in politics, then you know 
that all the lines of sympathy and intelligence and comprehen- 
sion are going to be interlaced in a way which they have never 
been interlaced before; so that our politics will be of the same 
pattern with our life. This, it seems to me, is devoutly to be 

And so when the women come into politics, they come in to 
show us all those little contacts between life and politics, on 
account of which I, for myself, rejoice that they have come 
to our assistance; they will be as indispensable as they are 

The President listened with close attention, a smile quiv- 
ering at the corners of his mouth. As she concluded, a 
ripple of amusement ran around the circle of auditors, and 
the President laughed outright. 

" I cannot argue as well as you can," he told Miss Hill 
with evident enjoyment. He said further: 

I am most unaffectedly complimented by this visit that you 
have paid me. I have been caUed on several times to say what 
my position is in the very important matter that you are so 
deeply interested in. I want to say that nobody can look on 
the fight you are making without great admiration, and I cer- 
tainly am one of those who admire the tenacity and the skill 
and the address with which you try to promote the matter that 
you are interested in. 

But I, ladies, am tied to a conviction which I have had all 
my life that changes of this sort ought to be brought about State 
by State. If it were not a matter of female Suffrage, if it were 
a matter of any other thing connected with Suffrage, I would 
hold the same opinion. It is a long standing and deeply matured 
conviction on my part and therefore I would be without excuse 
to my own constitutional principles if I lend my support to this 


very important movement for an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

Frankly I do not think that this is the wise or the permanent 
way to build. I know that perhaps you unanimously disagree 
witii me but you will not think the less of me for being perfectly 
frank in the avowal of my own convictions on that subject; and 
certainly that avowal writes no attitude of antagonism, but 
merely an attitude of principle. 

I want to say again how much complimented ! am by your 
call and also by the confidence that you have so generously 
expressed in me, Mrs. Armes. I hope that in some respect I 
may live to justify that confidence. 



We now return to the work in Congress. Again it is neces- 
sary to go back into history a few months. 

All these months, the work of organizing the nation-wide 
demonstration of May 2 — which had been decided upon at 
the opening meeting of the Congressional Union for 1914 
— had been going on. 

The Congressional Union sent organizers into all the 
States of the Union to make plans for the demonstration. 
Minnie E. Brooke went through every State in the South. 
Mabel Vernon, one of the organizers for the Congressional 
Union, traveled through the southwestern part of the coun- 
try and up through California, ending her trip in Nevada. 
Crystal Eastman of the Executive Committee took care of 
the Northwestern States, Emma Smith DeVoe covered the 
Far Western States ; Jessie Hardy Stubbs, the Middle 
Western States; Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Alice Paul, as- 
sisted by Olive Hasbrouck, New England and the Middle 
Atlantic States. 

On February 12, the National American Woman Suffrage 
Association promised its co-operation also, and from that 
date aided in making the demonstration a success. 

The demonstration — taking the form of parades in most 
cases, meetings in a few — occurred in at least one great city- 
in every State. The following resolution was adopted at 
the various gatherings. 

Resolved, that this meeting calls upon Congress to take imme- 
diate and favorable action upon the Bristow-Mondell Resolution 
enfranchising women. 

The culminating demonstration occurred May 9 in Wash^ 
ington. There was a mass-meeting at the Belasco Theatre, 



and following this a jirocession starting promptly at three 
o'clock, marched to the Capitol. At the foot of the Capitol 
steps, the enormous gathering sang the Woman's March. 
Then five hundred and thirty-one delegates representing 
every Congressional and Senatorial district in the country, 
bearing resolutions passed at the country-wide demon- 
strations, marched up the long steps into the great Rotunda 
of the Capitol. A Committee of Senators and Representa- 
tives awaited the delegates, received the resolutions and 
introduced them on the floor of each House of Congress. 

Here, as always, Alice Paul visualized her work in 
pageantry. On this occasion, that pageantry was particu- 
larly beautiful. Zona Gale writes in the Suffragist: 

" I shall watch it, but it will not mean anything to me," said 
a visitor to me on Saturday, but that night she said: " I leaned 
out of my window, and held my screen up with one hand, and 
let the sun beat in my face for the forty minutes that you were 
passing, and I wept. To think of your being part of it — and 
caring like that — and the men there on the sidewalk holding 
back, by what right, what you ask ! " 

The elTect of this lengthened — and therefore accumulative 
— nation-wide demonstration was immediately felt at the 
national Capitol. Between the dates of the demonstration 
throughout the States May 2, and the demonstration in 
Washington, May 9, the Judiciary Committee reported the 
Mondell Resolution without recommendation, but with an 
overwhelming vote, to the House. This marked an epoch 
in the Suffrage work in the United States ; for Suffrage had 
never been debated on the floor of the House, and not since 
1890 had it progressed beyond the Committee stage in the 
House. The Resolution rested on May 5 at the foot of the 
highly congested House calendar. On May 13, Representa- 
tive Mondell introduced a Resolution asking time for an 
early consideration of the Suffrage Amendment. The adop- 
tion of this Resolution meant that the Amendment would 
be taken up, debated, and voted on. 


The Rules Committee, to which the Resolution was re- 
ferred, failed to act upon it. Suffragists began to besiege 
the Rules Committee. The Rules Committee, however, 
proved unamenable to argument, discussion, or entreaty. 

Later in the year, in a speech at the Newport Conference, 
Lucy Burns said of the Rules Committee that it " adopted 
devious means for avoiding action on the Suffrage Resolu- 
tion. It was difficult for them to vote against it, and it 
seemed difficult for them to vote for it. They apparently 
decided that the best policy for them to pursue was to take 
no action at all, so they hit upon the happy expedient of 
holding no meetings whatever." 

A detailed account of the action of the Rules Committee 
proves the adamancy of Party control. It gives some idea 
of the obstacles which ingenious politicians can put in the 
way of citizens, even though those citizens are making a per- 
fectly legitimate request. 

Mr, Henry, the Chairman of the Rules Committee, had 
declared in the spring that he thought it was out of the 
power of his Committee to take action (i.e. on the matter 
of the Suffrage Resolution which mas only to allot time m 
the House for the discussion of the Suffrage Amendment) 
since the Suffrage Amendment had not been favorably acted 
upon at the last Democratic Caucus : " You may tell this to 
the Press. You may teU it to the newspapers," Mr. Henry 
said ; " my hands are tied." 

However, early in June, the Suffragist says, "Mr. 
Henry's view of his political helplessness weakened slightly." 
He promised to report out the Suffrage Resolution. But 
he could not be prevailed upon to state when he would do 
so. The Congressional Union, therefore, organized a series 
of deputations which visited the Rules Committee during all 
the long, hot summer and the long, hot fall. Deputations 
from nearly every State in the Union and from nearly 
every occupation and profession of women waited upon the 
members of the Rules Committee. The reader must remem- 
ber always that they were asking — ^not that the Amendment 


be passed — only that a few hours be set aside for the dis- 
cussion of the Suffrage question in the House of Represen- 
tatives. Repeated deputations called upon individual mem- 
bers of the Committee. On June 10, the Committee met, but 
decided to postpone action on the Suffrage question till 
July 1. Mr. Henry left immediately for Texas. A large 
deputation came to Washington to be present at the July 1 
meeting. Many of the most prominent members of the Cliib- 
women's Deputation of five hundred, who had called the 
afternoon of June 30 on the President, remained in Wash- 
ington overnight, so that they might be present at the 

When, however, they arrived at the Committee room, they 
were told that the Committee would not meet, although no 
notice had been given of any change of date of the meeting. 
Mr. Henry had not returned to Washington. There was a 
quorum of the Committee in town ; but the Democratic mem- 
bers said that they were bound by a " gentlemen's agree- 
ment " among themselves not to meet. August 1 was set 
for the next meeting. 

On July 13, a deputation of more than a hundred mem- 
bers of the Congressional Union, led by Alice Paul, Lucy 
Burns, and Mrs. Gilson Gardner, called upon the individual 
members of the Rules Committee. They asked each member 
to sign a petition requesting the Acting Chairman, Mr. Pou, 
to call the Committee together for the purpose of reporting 
out the Resolution on the Suffrage Amendment. This peti- 
tion was signed by the two Republican members of the Com- 
mittee in Washington, and the one Progressive member. 
The two Democratic members then in Washington refused 
to sign. The petition was presented to Mr. Pou in his office 
by Representative Mondell. 

Mr. Pou rose from his chair, viewing with amazement the 
numbers of the deputation as they filed into the room till 
all available space was occupied, leaving the majority of 
their number in the corridor. Mr. Pou definitely declined 
to call the meeting, although a quorum of the Committee 


was in the city, and although all of the Republican members 
on the Committee and the Progressive member had requested 
a meeting. Mr. Pou stated that he was bound by a " gentle- 
man's agreement " entered into by the Democratic members 
to hold no meetings of the Committee before August 1. He 
said, " The Democratic members agreed not to hold any 
meetings until August 1. In view of that understanding, I 
would not feel at liberty to call the Committee together. 
. . . When the Republicans were in charge, they decided 
what they were going to do; now that we are in charge, 
we decide what we are going to do." 

On August 1, a deputation consisting of Lucy Burns and 
Mrs. Gilson Gardner from the Congressional Union accom- 
panied by Maude F. Clark, called upon Mr. Pou. The 
forthright Lucy Burns began. " Mr. Pou, today is the first 
day of August. You told us when a Committee of our 
'Organization called upon you in July that the Democratic 
members of the Committee had a ' gentlemen's agreement ' 
not to hold a meeting until August 1. Now that the day 
has come we should be glad to know when a meeting of your 
Committee will be held to consider House Resolution 514, 
allotting time for the consideration of the Suffrage Amend- 
ment in the House." 

Mr. Pou informed the delegation that Mr. Henry, Chair- 
man of the Rules Committee, would return to Washington 
on Monday, August 3, and that a meeting of the Committee 
would be called for that day. Among other things, Mr. 
Pou made the significant statement, " The Rules Committee 
has in its keeping the policy of the Democratic Party in 

On August 3, a second delegation from the Congressional 
Union, consisting of Alice Paul, Lucy Burns, Mrs. Gilson 
Gardner, Dr. Clara E. Ludlow, went to attend the promised 
meeting at the office of the Chairman, Mr. Henry. The elu- 
sive Mr. Henry was at last visible in the flesh. He informed 
these women that no meeting of the Committee had been 
called for that day. He did not know when it would be 


called, nor what measures it would consider. He suggested 
that they call again in a few days. 

On August 28, the Rules Committee finally met. A depu- 
tation from the Congressional Union presented themselves 
at the door. The deputation consisted of Mrs. Gilson 
Gardner, Minnie E. Brooke, Mrs. S. B. McDuffie, Virginia 

At the door of the Committee room, Mr. Henry's secre- 
tary declared that it would be impossible for him to take 
a message or a card to Mr. Henry. 

"I should be glad, then," said the gently diplomatic 
Mrs. Gardner, " to send a card to other niembers of the 

" The Chairman has given orders," said the secretary, 
" that no messages may be sent in to the Committee room." 

"I quite understand," said Mrs. Gardner, "that Mr. 
Henry can speak fot the majority members of the Com- 
mittee, but surely not for the Republican and Progressive 
members, and I should like your permission to send word 
in to one of them." 

The secretary maintained that this was against Mr. 
Henry's specific orders. 

Mrs. Gardner then went on very gently : " It is not the 
desire of the deputation to disturb the Committee; but, on 
the other hand, it is the sense of the deputation that it is 
necessary to send the Committee a message. What would 
you suggest that we do .'' " i 

The secretary considered and decreed, " A message might 
be sent in by telephone." Mrs. Gardner accepted the use 
of Mr. Henry's desk telephone, called up Representative 
Kelly who was attending the meeting in the adjoining Com- 
mittee room, and asked if he would bring the Suffrage 
Resolution to the attention of the Committee. Mr. Kelly 
promptly promised to call up the Suffrage Resolution if it 
were possible to do so. This colloquy effectively brought the 
matter before the Committee. 

The Suffrage Resolution was brought up, but a substitute 


motion that the Committee adjourn was immediately made 
and carried. It was a tie vote, but Mr. Henry, as chairman, 
cast the deciding vote. The Committee accordingly ad- 
journed without having taken action on the Suifrage 
Resolution. > 

The Congressional Union, undaunted, maintained its 
siege of the Rules Committee until Congress adjourned in 
October. Throughout the remaining months of that Con- 
gressional Session, however, the Rules Committee continued 
its policy of evasion. No action was taken before ad- 

Of course, all this blocking of their efforts on the part 
of the Democrats made inevitable the election policy which 
the Congressional Union was about to adopt — ^that of hold- 
ing them " responsible." 



In the meantime, the Congressional Union had been forming 
an Advisory Council which continued to Support the Con- 
gressional Union — and later the Woman's Party — ^with ad- 
vice] and work during the rest of its history. The personnel 
of the Advisory Council has changed from time to time ; but 
always it has been a large body and an able one. 

The list of membership has included many famous names ; 
women political leaders; women trades-unionists; women of 
wealth and position; women active in their communities. It 
included professional women of every sort ; doctors, lawyers, 
clergymen. It included artists of every description; actors, 
singers, painters, sculptors. It included publicists of every 
kind; fictionists, poets, dramatists, essayists. It included 
social workers of every class. And these women have rep- 
resented all parts of the Union. 

On August 29 and 30, this newly-formed Advisory Council 
met at Newport. Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont did everything 
to make the occasion a success. She threw open Marble 
House which, hung with the great purple, white, and gold 
banners of the Congressional Union and flooded with golden 
light, made an extraordinary background for the delibera- 
tions of the Conference. In every way possible for her she 
used the beauty and social prestige of Newport to give the 
occasion dignity, prominence, and publicity. Her daughter, 
the Duchess of Marlborough, had joined the Congressional 
Union just previous to this Conference. Little she thought 
and little the Congressional Union thought that as an Eng- 
lish woman, she would be a voter, would be elected to the 
London City Council before her mother, an American 
woman, was enfranchised. 



Here, for the ^st time, the plan of holding the Democratic 
Party— the Party in power — responsible for the slowness 
with which the Suffrage work was progressing, and, in con- 
sequence, of working against it, was adopted as a program 
actually to be carried out. 

Lucy Burns made a magnificent speech on that occasion. 
She pointed out that the Democratic Party was in complete 
possession of the National Government, controlling the 
Presidential chair, the Senate, possessing an overwhelm- 
ing majority in the House. She a,nalyzed the working of 
Congress: she showed that our government is a government 
by Party: that no measures of importance had passed 
through the Sixty-third Congress without the backing of the 
Party in power : atid that no measure could pass that Con- 
gress if opposed by that Party. 

She amplified this thesis. She showed that the President, 
the leader of the Party, had seven times refused his powerful 
aid to the movement. She showed that in the Senate the 
Democratic leaders blocked the Suffrage measure by bring- 
ing it to a vote at a time when they acknowledged it would 
be defeated. She showed that in the House, the Rules Com- 
mittee had consistently blocked the Amendment, both by pre- 
venting the creation of a (Suffrage Committee and by 
preventing consideration of the Amendment in the House. 
And she proved by the words of the acting chairman of 
the Rules Committee that that Committee had in its keeping 
" the policy of the Democratic Party." She showed that 
the Democratic Caucus had taken definite action against the 
Suffrage Amendment. It had declared that Suffrage was not 
a question for national consideration and so it had refused 
to sanction the creation of a Suffrage Committee. 

Alice Paul, first asking the press to withdraw, outlined the 
proposed election program. She asked the members of the 
Conference not to reveal it until the middle of September 
when the Congressional Union would be ready to put it 
into practical operation. This is her speech on that occa- 


From the very beginning of our work in Washington, we have 
followed one consistent policy from which we liave not departed 
a single moment. We began our work with the coming in of 
the present Congress and immediately went to the Party which 
was in control of the situation and asked it to act. We deter- 
mined to get the Amendment through the Sixty-third Congress, 
or to make it very clear who had kept it from going through. 
Now, as has been shown, the Democrats have been in control 
of all branches of the Government and they are therefore re- 
sponsible for the non-passage of our measure. 

The point is first, who is our enemy and tlien, how shall that 
enemy be attacked? 

We are all, I think, agreed that it is the Democratic Party 
which is responsible for the blocking of the Suffrage Amendment. 
Again and again that Party has gone on record through the 
action of its leaders, its caucus^ and its committees so that an 
impregnable case has been built up against it. We now lay 
before you a plan to meet the present situation. 

We propose going into the nine Suffrage States and appealing 
to the women to use their votes to secure the franchise for the 
women of the rest of the country. All of these years we have 
worked primarily in the States. Now the time has come, we 
believe, when we can really go into national politics and use 
the nearly four million votes that we have to win the vote for 
the rest of us. Now that we have four million voters, we need 
no longer continue to make our appeal simply to the men. The 
struggle in England has gotten down to a physical fight. Here 
our fight is simply a political one. The question is whether we 
are good enough politicians to take four million votes and or- 
ganize them and use them so as to win the vote for the women 
who are still disfranchised. 

We want to attempt to organize the women's vote. Our 
plan is to go out to these nine States and there appeal to all 
the women voters to withdraw their support from the Democrats 
nationally until the Democratic Party nationally ceases to block 
Suffrage. We would issue an appeal signed by influential women 
of the East addressed to the women voters as a whole asking 
them to use their vote this one time in the national election 
against the Democratic Party throughout the whole nine States. 
Every one of these States, with one exception, is a doubtful 
State. Going back over a period of fourteen years, each State, 
except Utah, has supported first one Party and then another. 
Here are nine States which politicians are thinking about and 
in these nine States we have this great power. If we ask those 


women in the nine Suffrage States as a gtoup to withhold their 
support from this Fiarty as a group which is opposing us, it will 
mean that votes will be turned. Suppose the Party saw votes 
falling away all over the country because of their action on the 
Trust question — ^they would change their attitude on Trust legis- 
lation. If they see them falling away because of their attitude 
on Suffrage they will change their attitude on Suffrage. When 
we have once affected the result in a national election^ no 
Party will trifle with Suffrage any longer. 

We, of course, are a little body to undertake this — ^but we 
have to begin. We have not very much money; there are not 
many of us to go out against the great Democratic Party. Per- 
haps this time we won't be able to do so very much, though I , 
know we can do a great deal, but if the Party leaders see that 
some votes have been turned they will know that we have at 
least realized this power that we possess and they will know 
that by 1916 we will have it organized. The mere announce- 
ment of the fact that Suffragists of the East have gone out to 
the West with this appeal will be enough to make every man 
in Congress sit up and take notice. 

This last week one Congressman from a Suffrage State came 
to us and asked us if we would write just one letter to say 
what he had done in Congress to help us. He said that one 
letter might determine the election in his district. This week 
the man who is running for the Senatorial election in another 
Suffrage State came to us and asked us to go out and help him 
in his State — asked us simply to announce that he had been our 
friend. Now if our help is valued to this extent, our opposition 
will be feared in like degree. 

Our plan is this: To send at least two women to each of 
those nine States. We would put one woman at the center who 
would attend to the organizing, the publicity and the distribu- 
tion of literature. We would have literature printed showing 
what the Democratic Party has done with regard to Suffrage 
in the Sixty-third Congress. We would have leaflets printed from 
the Eastern women appealing to the Western women for help, 
and we would have leaflets issued showing how much the en- 
franchised woman herself needs the Federal Amendment because 
most important matters are becoming national in their organiza- 
tion and can only be dealt with by national legislation. We 
could reach every home in every one of those nine States with 
our literature, without very great expense. One good woman 
at the center could make this message, this appeal from Eastern 
women, known to the whole State. The other worker would 


Why Is the Gikl from the West Getting All the Attention ? 
Nina Allender in The Suffragist. 


attend to the speaking and in six weeks could easily cover all 
the large towns of the State. 

This is the plan that we are considering, and that we are 
hoping to put through. We would be very much interested to^ 
hear what you think about it and want, of course, to have your 
co-operation in carrying it through. 

The Conference voted to unite behind the Bristow-Mondell 
Amendment in Congress and to support an active election 
campaign against candidates of the Democratic Party. It 
raised over seven thousand dollars to meet the expense of 
this campaign. 

The details of the election campaign project were imme- 
diately worked out; organizers were selected and after a 
farewell garden party on September 14, they started for 
the nine enfranchised States. Headquarters were opened in 
San Francisco under Lucy Burns and Rose Winslow; in 
Denver, Colorado, under Doris Stevens and Ruth Noyes ; in 
Phoenix, Arizona, under Jane Pincus and Josephine Casey; 
in Kansas City, Kansas, under Lola C. Trax and Edna S. 
Latimer; at Portland, Oregon, under Jessie Hardy Stubbs 
and Virginia Arnold; in Seattle, Washington, under Mar- 
garet Whittemore and Anne McCue ; at Cheyenne, Wyoming, 
under Gertrude Hunter; at Salt Lake City, Utah, under 
Elsie Lancaster; at Boise City, Idaho, under Helena Hill 

In these centers, open-air, drawing-room, and theatre 
meetings followed each other in rapid succession. In many 
districts, the campaigners canvassed from door to door. 
Window-cards, handbills, cartoons, moving-picture films, and 
voiceless speeches, calling upon the women voters to refuse 
their support to the Party which had blocked the National 
Suffrage Amendment, appeared everywhere from Seattle to 
Phoenix. A pithily worded Appeal to the Women Voters 
was placed in the hands of the women voters. Press bulletins 
describing the campaign against the Democratic candidates 
for Congress and reiterating the record made by the Demo- 


cratic Party on the Suffrage question, were issued daily. 
Literature dealing with the record of the Democratic Party 
and with the value to the woman voter of a national Suf- 
frage Amendment, were sent to innumerable homes in every 
Suffrage State. 

The Suffragist, which teemed with reports of what these 
vigorous campaigners were doing, presents pictures which 
could have occurred nowhere in the world but the United 
'States, and nowhere in the United States but the West. 
The speakers were interesting, amusing, full of information 
and enthusiasm. With a sympathy and understanding 
typically western, men and women responded immediately, 
responded equally to this original campaign. 

All the time, of course, these speakers were educating the 
people of the United States in regard to the work of Con- 
gress. ' This was a new note in Suffrage campaigns ; but it 
was the policy of the Cobgressional Union at all times 
whether campaigns were being waged or not. 

From the Suffragist of September 19, I quote from a 
report of the enterprising Jessie Hardy Stubbs, who actually 
began her work on board the North Coast, Limited : 

Here we are — all bound for the field of battle. Miss McCue, 
Miss Whittemore and I are together. Miss Whittemore joined 
us at Chicago full of earnestness and zeal. We have pat up 
signs in each car that there will be a meeting tonight in the 
observation car, and that we will speak on the record of the 
Democratic Party in Congress and Women Suffrage. There is 
much interest. We have sold ten Suffragists today on board the 
train, secured new subscribers to the Suffragist, and contribu- 
tions for the campaign. 

Doris Stevens writes in the Suffragist of October 3: 

Friday afternoon, Mrs, Lucius M. Cuthbert, a daughter of 
ex-Senator Hill, gave us a drawing-room meeting in her beau- 
tiful Denver home. She invited representative women from all 
Parties to come and hear of the work of the Union, to which 
invitation about one hundred women responded. One Democratic 
lady came up to me after the meeting and said, " I had no idea 


you women had been so rebuffed by my Party. I am convinced 
that my duty is to the women first, and my Party second." 
Another: "You have almost convinced me that we women must 
stand together on this national issue." And so it went. And, 
as our charming hostess pointed out, the applause was often led 
by a prominent Democratic woman. Offers of help, loans of 
furniture, and general expressions of eagerness to aid were 
made on every side. The meeting was a splendid success, judg^ 
ing from the large number of women who joined the Union 
and the generous collection which was given. 

In the Suffragist of October 10, Lola Trax writes: 

The meeting at Lebanon was especially well advertised. The 
moving picture shows had run an advertising slide ; the Wednes- 
day prayer meeting had announced my coming, and the Public 
Schools had also made announcements to their pupils. The 
Ladies' Aid Society invited me to speak in the afternoon, while 
they were quilting; and thus another anti-Suffrage argument was 
shattered; for quilting and politics went hand in hand. 

At Phillipsburg the meeting was on the Court House green. 
It is fifty-seven miles from Phillipsburg to Osborne and the trip 
has to be made by freight. I was on the road from six-thirty 
o'clock in the morning until three p.m. About a dozen passen- 
gers were in the caboose on the freight, and we held a meeting 
and discussion which lasted about forty-five minutes. Upon 
reaching Osborne at three o'clock I found about one hundred 
people assembled for an auction sale in the middle of the street. 
Cots, tables, and chairs were to be' offered at sacrifice prices. 
The temptation to hold a meeting overcame fatigue. I jumped 
into an automobile nearby and had a most interested crowd until 
the auctioneer came. I had been unable to secure the Town 
Hall because a troupe of players were making a one night stand 
in the town. The meeting at night was also in the open air. 

In the Suffragist of October 10, Jessie Hardy Stubbs 
continues : 

On Tuesday evening, September 28, I spoke in the Public 
Library, explaining our mission in Oregon. Mr. Arthur L. 
Moulton, Progressive Candidate for Congress from the Third 
District presided, and made a very clever introductory speech. 
Many questions were asked by Democratic women which brought 
out a spirited defense on the part of several of those present. 


One Democratic woman maintained that it would be a most 
ungrateful position on the part of the Oregon women to vote 
against Chamberlain, who had always been a friend of Suffrage, 
whereupon a distinguished-looking woman arose and said : " Oh, 
no. It would merely be a case of not loving Chamberlain less, 
but of loving Suffrage more." 

I spoke before the Sheet Metal Workers' Union last night, and 
expect to address every union before the campaign is over. There 
are only two women's unions here; the garment workers and the 
waitresses. We intend to make a canvass of the stores and meet 
the clerks personally and to get into all the factories, as far as 
possible, where women are employed, and urge these western 
women voters to stand by the working women of the East. 
Tonight we have our first open-air meeting. 

In the Suffragist of October 31, Gertrude Hunter writes 
of the campaign in Wyoming: 

The meeting last Saturday night was most encouraging. It 
was a stormy night, and we went in an auto twenty miles from 
here, through snow banks, and every other difficulty to a rally 
at a branch home. This was at Grand Canon, and a strongly 
Democratic precinct. Every one was wildly enthusiastic over the 
meeting, even the Democratic women telling me how much they 
appreciated our position. We had a dance immediately after, 
and I danced with the voters (male) until one-thirty in the 
morning, when we were all taken to the railroad station in a 
lumber wagon and four-horse team, a distance of a mile and a 
half, and came in on a train at two-thirty a.m. I sold twenty 
Suffragists and could have disposed of more if I had had them 
with me. 

Thursday, Friday, and Saturday nights we have big meetings 

We are now at Egbert on our regular schedule, and in such a 
snowstorm as I never saw before. However, we have had a 
good morning in spite of it. 

This town is like the others, consisting of a station, a store, 
and post-office. Not a residence in the place. The people all 
drove from miles around in a high wind and most unfavorable 
weather to attend the meeting. 

We had the thirty-five mile drive to make to a neighboring 
town for another meeting and we did it every mile through a 
high wind and torrents of rain, that flooded the trail with water, 
as we went over prairie and plowed fields. We did it, how- 


ever, with only one blow-out, and two very narrow escapes from 
being completely turned over, getting in at two this morning. 

Tomorrow night I shall go to Campstool, where there is a big 
supper and dance. 

I had another very interesting meeting this week at a town 
fifty miles from here. The " town " consists of a station, the 
post-office, general store, and a little restaurant; no houses, and 
only one or two families living there. The meeting was in the 
school-house and the voters came from miles and miles to attend, 
at least one hundred and fifty of them, on horseback, in wagbns, 
buggies, and autos. Every one was much interested. The min- 
ister, at whose house I was entertained for the afternoon, lived 
two and one-half miles out in the country, said afterward that 
the meeting was a thrill to most of them, who had never heard 
a Suffrage speech in their lives. 

These are the solid voters of the community. Many are from 
the eastern States who are homesteading here. I distributed 
the literature to every one. 

I will probably reach the same number of voters every day 
this week, or perhaps a few more, as the next- town we are going 
into. Burns, is a trifle larger than Hillsdale. 

Miss Brandeis is going from house to house in Cheyenne, dis- 
tributing our literature and soliciting memberships. 

The campaign over, four of these victorious campaigners 
were welcomed home on the afternoon of November 16, 
by an enormous audience at the Columbia Theatre in Wash- 
ington : 

Mrs. Latimer said: 

The very first thing they said to us in Kansas was, " Well, 
you are a long way from home ! " and we thought so too. 

Kansas, as you know, is a very large State and is an agricul- 
tural State, and the consequence was that we had to get in 
touch with all the farmers and so it was necessary for us to do 
a great deal of traveling. 

After we had established our Headquarters we interviewed the 
Kansas City Star, one of the largest papers in the State. After 
we had talked with the associate editor and told him what our 
plan was, that we intended to send a daily bulletin to the eight 
hundred and eight papers in the State of Kansas, that we were 
going to every one of the large towns in the State of Kansas, 
and have just as many meetings as possible, and that we would 


distribute fifty thousand pieces of literature, he looked at us 
and said, " Do you realize that this will take eight men and 
eighteen stenographers?" I said, "Possibly, but two women 
are going to do it." And two women did do it. The result of 
that interview was a two and a half column editorial on the 
editorial page of the Star. It was the first time that an inter- 
view with a woman had ever appeared on the editorial page, 
and they told us that even Mr. Bryan had not received two and 
a half columns on that page. All of our bulletins were very 
well published after the Kansas City Star had taken up our 
cause. The women of Kansas co-operated with us, and the Pro- 
gressives and Republicans invited us to speak at their big rallies. 
Strange as it may seem no one seemed to thiAk we were on the 
wrong track but the Democrats. 

After we had been there for a while we found that the main 
contest was the Senatorial fight, and so we figured out just how 
we could keep Mr. Neely out of the Senate. Every one said 
that as Mr. Murdock was running as a Progressive, and Mr. 
Curtis as a Republican, it would divide the vote and give the 
victory to the Democratic Party. We knew that Mr. Neely had 
received a very large vote from his own district when he ran 
for Congiress — over four thousand majority. So we made up 
our minds that the thing to do was to reduce the vote in his own 
district. We 'thought that this would help to defeat Mr. Neely, 
and it did. He received from his own district a majority of only 
eight hundred; that is, the Democratic majority went down to 
eight bundred from four thousand. In many of the other dis- 
tricts, his majority was still lower. Mr. Taggart, who had a 
three thousand majority two years ago, went down to three hun- 
dred, and Miss Trax was largely responsible for that. We have 
letters from many of the leading politicians of Kansas saying 
that our work has been most effective. We have felt all through 
Kansas that our work was very encouraging. 

We had many interesting things happen. The second day we 
were in the Seventh District we held seven meetings. Six meet- 
ings had been planned, but after we reached Dodge City we 
found there was a political meeting in progress out on the 
prairie and they telephoned in and asked one of us to come out 
there and speak to them. If any of you have ever been to 
Kansas, you know they have schools everywhere, though for 
miles and miles you never see a house and you wonder where 
the children come from to go to the schools. At eleven o'clock 
at night we arrived at the schoolhouse where the meeting was 
held, and found three hundred people waiting to hear a Suffrage 


speech. After the meeting the women came up and said, " That 
is just what we need. We are glad to help the Eastern women, 
but we do not know anything about it. We are so glad you have 
come to tell us these things because we did not' know them. 

The men in the West feel the same way. When I was waiting 
for a freight train about five o'clock in the morning, a man came 
up and said, " My wife was at your meeting yesterday afternoon, 
and I thought I would tell you that I have voted the Democratic 
ticket for forty years, but I have voted it the last time." That 
is the spirit of the men. Because they respect their women out 
there, they do not like to feel that the men in the East and the 
Democratic Party do not consider the woman movepaent. People 
would come in and say, " Well, you are on the right track now," 
and that seems to be the spirit everywhere in Kansas. 

Miss Pincus said: 

I am sorry I cannot come to you with the air of a conquering 
hero, but I am sure that any person who understands the situa- 
tion in Arizona will acknowledge that the purpose of our cam- 
paign was accomplished. Despite the fact that the Democrats 
were in control — ^had all the money in the State and 9wned 
nearly all the newspapers — a Democratic leader came to my 
offide one day and told me that the Democrats were absolutely 
sure that the women of Arizona would defeat Smith. He said 
the Democratic Party was scared to death. It was most amusing. 
Every candidate who was running, even for State and County 
offices, felt it necessary to declare that he had always believed 
in Woman Suffrage, that his mother had believed in Woman 
Suffrage and that his grandmother believed in it. I suppose you 
know what action our friends Senator Smith and Congressman 
Hayden took. Both of them telegraphed from Washington to 
the Democratic State Convention in session at Phcenix and 
pledged themselves absolutely to support national Woman Suf- 
frage. Mr. Hayden stood up on the floor of the House and 
filled three pages of the Congressional Record on his attitude 
on Woman Suffrage and Arizona was simply flooded with this 

The women, we found, were very open to reason, and one thing 
I had not expected to find was how chivalrous all the men were. 
I have never been so overwhelmed with courtesy and chivalry 
as I was out in Arizona. Every candidate from every county 
came into our Headquarters to shake hands and say what a nice 
day it was and how he had always been in favor of Woman 


Suffrage. Each political Party in Arizona claims absolute 
credit for Woman Suffrage out there. To me, coming from a 
plain campaign State, New York, it was most encouraging to 
find all the men such good Suffragists, and I would like to turn 
all anti-Suffragists into a Suffrage State to let them see how 
women are treated at election time. 

Mrs. Helena Hill Weed said: 

I am very glad to be able to report that no Democrat will 
come to the United States Senate or House of Representatives 
from Idaho — and the Congressional Union had a hand in it. 

We do not claim entire responsibility for the large Republican 
victory, but we do claim the credit for turning many hundreds 
of votes from the Democratic Party. When I reached Idaho I 
found the question simmered down to the Senatorial race. The 
two candidates were Senator Brady, Republican, and ex- 
Governor Hawley, who was running on the Democratic ticket. 

I began by sending out copies of all of our literature and the 
current number -of the Suffragist to every editor, club woman, 
minister, or other person of influence. I began with a meeting 
which was organized by the working women in the hotel where 
I was stopping. I told them of our work and what it meant. 
Many of the women had worked in the East and they knew 
what conditions were among the laboring women there, and they 
said they never before realized that they could do anything to 
help the women in the East. About three days after the meet- 
ing a woman came into my office and said, " I want to tell you, 
Mrs. Weed, that that meeting is going to bring out at least two 
hundred Republican votes in my ward which are never cast, and 
is going to turn many more." I positively could not fiU the 
requests that were made to speak and explain the Congressional 
Union policy. Men and women of the labor unions were much 
enthused over our work and we won hundreds and hundreds of 
votes simply because our policy was non-partisan. 

We put it straight up to Mr. Hawley that an indorsement of 
President Wilson's administration meant the indorsement of the 
administration's refusal to allow a discussion and a vote on 
Suffrage. We put it up to him that it made no difference how 
good a Suffragist he personally might be, if he ran on a platform 
which contained, as did his, a blanket indorsement of all of 
President Wilson's policies, including his refusal to allow a dis- 
cussion and a vote on Suffrage. We pointed out to him that his 
personal belief in Suffrage was of little avail to us if he could 


not or would not bring the Party which he was supporting to 
cease its hostility to our Amendment. We reminded him of the 
Democratic Congressmen from Suffrage States who had sat in 
the Sixty-third Congress and who had professed a deep interest 
in Suffrage but who had accomplished nothing as far as actually 
bringing Suffrage to pass was concerned, because of the con- 
tinued hostility of the Democratic Party which was in control of 
all branches of the Government. We told him that we felt duty 
bound to make known to the women voters the hostile record 
of his national Party on Woman Suffrage, and to ask them to 
refuse their support to that Party until it ceased blocking our 

They understood the point very quickly and saw that as far 
as the individual was concerned there was nothing to choose 
from between Mr. Hawley and Senator Brady — both were 
equally good Suffragists, as far as their personal stand wa's con- 
cerned. It was only when it came to considering their Party 
affiliations that one could discriminate between them. We always 
emphasized the fact that we were not indorsing the Republican, 
the Progressive, the Socialist, or the Prohibition Party, but were 
merely asking the women to refuse support to the Party which 
had the power to give Suffrage and which up to the present had 
used its power only to block that measure. We explained that 
we -would have opposed any of the other Parties, had they pos- 
sessed the power which the Democratic Party possessed, and had 
they used that power in the same obstructive way. 

I am absolutely sure that the Congressional Union has the 
right policy for us to follow and that through this policy we are 
going to win the passage of the Federal Amendment. 

Incidentally the referendum in 1914 in Nevada and Mon- 
tana gave Suffrage to women. 

Although the Congressional Union never deviated from its 
policy of devoting itself to -the Federal Amendment, yet it 
was deeply interested in the success of these referendum cam- 
paigns and gave aid when it seemed needed. The Congres- 
sional Union sent Mabel Vernon, a national organizer, to help 
in the Nevada campaign. At the close of the campaign an 
enthusiastic audience welcomed Mabel Vernon home. 

Miss Vernon said: 

In the West they do not have the feeling that Suffrage is an 
old, old story. They were very willing to go to a Suffrage meet- 


ing, particularly in the mining camps, where to advertise that 
a woman is going to speak is almost enough to cause them to 
close down the mines in order that they might hear her. This 
summer Miss Martin, the State president, and I went all over 
the State in a motor, traveling about three thousand miles. We 
would travel sometimes one hundred and twenty miles in order 
to reach a little settlement of about one hundred people, sixty 
voters perhaps. We had the conviction that if Suffrage was 
going to win in Nevada, it was going to win through the votes 
of those people who lived in the remote places. We knew Reno. 
We knew it well. We knew it was not to be counted upon as 
giving any majority in favor of Suffrage. That was the object 
of the motor trip this sununer. 

We traveled for miles and miles without seeing one sign of 
life. There was only the sand, the sage-bush, and the sky. 
Even though we did not arrive until ten o'clock at night at the 
place where we were to speak, we always found our crowd 
waiting for us. There was one mining camp, one of the richest 
camps there now, where the men said, " We will give you ninety 
per cent, ladies, there is not a bit of doubt about it." When 
the returns came in from that camp, there were eleven votes 
against it and one hundred and one for it. The politicians 
laughed at us because we were so confident. " Don't you appre- 
ciate that many men who promised to vote for you just want 
to make you feel good and haven't any intention of doing it? " 
they would say. When the returns came in I took a great deal 
of satisfaction in showing them that the men had kept their 

The position that Nevada has geographically had a great deal 
to do with it: We made a house-to-house canvass to find out if 
the majority were in favor of Suffrage and we found that women 
out there would say, " Of course I believe in Suffrage ; I used to 
vote myself in Idaho." One woman told me, " I feel very much 
out of place here in Nevada because I haven't the right to vote. 
I voted for years in Colorado." It would have been an easy 
thing to prove that at least seventy-five per cent of the women 
in Nevada were in favor of Woman Suffrage. When the men 
said, " We are willing that Nevada women shall have the vote 
when the majority of them want it," we could say that the 
majority of the women in the State of Nevada do want it. 


The effect of this campaign — ^the first of the kind in the 
history of the United States — ^was as though acid had been 
poured into the milk of the Democratic calm and security. 
Within a few days of the appearance of the Congressional 
Union speakers, the Democratic papers were full of attacks 
on the Congressional Union. The following from the 
Wyoming Leader of October 6 is typical of the way the 
Democratic papers handled the Congressional Union 
workers : 

Monday afternoon, they desecrated a charitable gathering of 
the Ladies' Hospital Aid. . . . If it was nothing more than 
the harmless effort of a couple of women to earn some Con- 
gressional coin, it might be overlooked, and these two women 
with fatherly tenderness, told to go back home. But it involves 
an insult to the intelligent citizenship of this State. It attempts 
to compromise and bring into disrepute the practical workings 
of Woman Suffrage in this, the original Suffrage State. '• It pro- 
poses to prostitute religion, charity, fraternity, and society itself, 
to the ambition of a place-and-plunder-hunting politician. These 
women go into gatherings to insult and outrage harmony and 
good-will among women who themselves avoid politics in their 

They could not have selected a meeting at which it was so 
plainly out of place as a meeting of hospital workers. These 
women had gathered together to promote the good work of mercy 
and charity in our community. They were Republicans, Pro- 
gressives, and Democrats in their preferences. . . . 

The editor of the Leader has met and talked with these two 
women and believes they do not realize the insult they are 
offering to the women of Wyoming. 



The Republican papers of course instantly came to the 
rescue of the Congressional Union organizers. The 
Cheyenne Trihvne said editorially on October 16: 

Democratic newspapers like the Wyoming Leader are finding 
fault with the Woman Suffrage Congressional Union for sending 
representatives into this State to work against the Democratic 
candidate for Congress. 

This is a free country, and Wyoming a Woman Suffrage State, 
and if worthy, respectahle women come into Wyoming, the first 
State to grant the franchise to women, and conduct a decent 
campaign for the principles of Woman Suffrage, they should be 
treated courteously and given a respectful hearing. 

They rightly hold the Democratic Party responsible for its 
self-evident opposition to the cause of Woman Suffrage, and 
rightly are seeking to defeat Democratic candidates for Congress 
by endeavoring to get woman voters to vote against them. 

As to the actual effects, I quote from the report of the 
Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage for the year 

One of the strongest proofs of the results accomplished in 
Washington was given when Judge W. W. Black, Democratic 
candidate for the United States Senate, called at the head- 
quarters of the Congressional Union in Seattle, and urged the 
organizers in charge, in the words of the Seattle Sunday Times, 
" to go home and wage a campaign for female Suffrage, and 
let the Democratic Congressional candidates in this State alone. 
Judge Black disclaimed personal interest," continued the Seattle 
Times, " and insisted that his is merely a fatherly concern for 
the two young Suffrage leaders. To demonstrate that he was 
not concerned personally. Judge Black told the two workers 
that he was going to be elected, anyway." 

Shortly before election day. Democratic leaders in Colorado 
formed a Democratic woman's organization for the purpose of 
actively combating the Congressional Union's work among the 
women voters. 

Further striking evidence of the importance which the Demo- 
cratic lieaders of Colorado attached to the Union's activities was 
furnished by a leaflet sent far and wide through the State, issued 
from the Colorado Democratic State Headquarters, under the 
names of Wellihgton H. Gates, Leo U. Guggenheim, and John 


T. Barnett, National Democratic Committeemen. The leaflet 
began: " Permit us to call your attention to the apparent aims 
and purposes of the organization calling itself The Congressional 

It then devoted four pages to letters and statements opposing 
the policy of the Union, and ended with an appeal to the women 
voters to elect the Democratic candidates for Congress " with 
larger majorities than ever before, to show the world that the 
Democratic women of Colorado are not only loyal, but consistent, 

This was the last leaflet sent to the voters by the State Demo- 
cratic Committee. From the first word to the last, it dealt only 
with the Congressional Union. Could better evidence be desired 
of the important part which the Democrats themselves felt that 
Suffrage was playing in the election? 

Nowhere did the Congressional Union election work arouse 
greater opposition than in Utah. " Intimidation, coercion, and 
what were equivalent to threats of political banishment from the 
State of Utah," said the Republican Herald of Salt Lake City 
(October 15), " were exercised toward Miss Elsie Agnes Lan- 
caster, the New York Suffragist, by W. R. Wallace, the Demo- 
cratic geneiralissimo, and his gang of political mannikins." 

" They invited Miss Lancaster," the Herald continued, " to 
come to Democratic State Headquarters, and there kept her on 
the grill for two and a half hours. This term of cross-examina^ 
tion, during which she was under fire of cross-questioning and 
denunciation from practically all of the Democratic politicians 
present, was a vain endeavor to have her bring to an immediate 
close her campaign against the Democratic nominees for the 
United States Senate and Congress. For two hours and a half, 
the hundred pounds of femininity withstood the concentrated 
cross-fire of the ton of beef and brawn represented by the dozen 
or more distinguished Democrats who acted as attorney, judge, 
and jury all in one. After they had finished, she went her way, 
telling Mr. Wallace that neither he nor his hirelings could 
swerve her from her duty in Utah as a representative of this 
Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage. 

" The greatest outburst of Generalissimo Wallace," concludes 
the Herald, " was when, in a moment of rage, he brought his 
fist down on the table and threatened to advertise Miss Lan- 
caster the country over by means of the Associated Press as 
being in league with ' sinister influences ' in Utah." 

One of the candidates for Congress from Kansas (Represen- 
tative Doolittle) called at the Washington Headquarters of the 


Union shortly after the inangiiration of work in Kansas, and 
urged the Union to withdraw its campaigners from his district, 
at least, if not over all the Western States. Finding the Union 
determined to continue its opposition through the women voters, 
as long as his Party continued its opposition to the National 
Amendment, Mr. Doolittle delivered a speech in the House of 
Representatives (occupying more than a page of the Con- 
gressional Record), denouncing the Union, and assuring the 
members of Congress that its appeal to the women voters was 
not authorized by the Suffragists of the country. 

Representative Hayden of Arizona also endeavored, in a 
speech in the House, to answer the appeal of the Congressional 
Union to the Western women to cast their votes against him, 
together with the other national Democratic candidates. Nearly 
three pages of the Record was consumed by Mr. Hayden's speech, 
which he reprinted, and sent far and wide through the State of 
Arizona in an attempt to counteract the havoc which it was ap- 
parently believed was being wrought by the Congressional Union 

A prominent Democratic candidate for the Arizona Legisla- 
ture testified to the fear which the Union campaign had aroused 
among the Democratic element in that State by an appeal to 
Dr. Cora Smith King, a member of the Advisory Council of the 
Congressional Union, urgently imploring her to use her influence 
with the Union to terminate its election activities in Arizona. 
Dr. King replied : " The more the local Democrats complain, the 
more they advertise the slogan of the Congressional Union, that 
the Democrats put Suffrage second to Party. Do, for Heaven's 
sake, raise the Democratic roof in Washington for involving you 
in this dilemma." 

Among the concrete results showing the effectiveness of the 
Congressional Union election activities was the inclusion of a 
Federal Suffrage Amendment plank' in the platforms of each 
of the State parties in Colorado, the first time that this occurred 
in that State, and the inclusion of a similar plank in the Arizona 
Democratic platform. 

Another result was the conversion of Senator Smith of Arizona 
to a belief in the Federal Amendment. On September 28, 
Senator Smith and Representative Hayden, the two Democratic 
candidates who were running for Congress from Arizona, sent 
the following telegram to Mrs. Frances Munds, candidate for 
State Senatorship on the Democratic ticket: " Our record in Con- 
gress shows that we are for National Woman Suffrage. If you 
think best, offer as plank in State platform the following: 'We 


pledge our candidates for United States Senator and Repre- 
sentative in Congress to vote at all times for National Woman 

The Democratic Committee adopted and strengthened this 

All candidates, indeed, seemed to develop a marked increase 
in the fervor of their allegiance to the Suffrage Amendment. 
Senator Chamberlain of Oregon^ in his last edition of street-car 
cards before election day, headed his poster with a declaration 
of his support of National Woman Suffrage as the leading argu- 
ment for his re-election. 

Not only the Congressional candidates, but minor Democratic 
workers, suddenly developed unsuspected interest in the cause of 
Woman Suffrage. Said the Examiner of Yuma, Arizona (Oc- 
tober 24, 1914), in commenting on the situation: " We view with 
amazement the efforts of the Democratic bosses to be in favor 
of Equal Suffrage." 

And so in each of the States. 

No more conclusive proof of the support given by the women 
voters to the Union's campaign could be afforded than the 
readiness with which they became members and active workers. 

In undertaking the election campaign, the Union had expected 
that in the beginning only the humble members of the rank and 
file would respond to its appeal. It had fully realized that the 
rank and file are more easily reached by new work than .are the 
leaders. It was with amazement, therefore, as well as gratifica- 
tion that it greeted the co-operation of the leading women voters 
of the West. Their willingness to subordinate Party interest 
to the National Suffrage cause furnished the strongest assurance 
of the ispeedy organization of the women's vote to such a power 
as to make it a determining factor in the outcome of things at 

The rank and file, however, equalled the leaders in the en- 
thusiasm with which they supported the campaign. Women who 
had never before been active in Suffrage work were aroused to 
an effective support of the Congressional Union's policy. Said 
the Tribune of Pendleton, Oregon (October 16), for instance, 
in commenting on this situation: 

" Large numbers of women who had not even registered until 
the campaign of the Congressional Union began, have made it 
their duty to do so in order that they may cast their ballot on 
this one issue alone. They had not been especially interested 
in the general political campaign, but seeing the opportunity to 


assist in the enfranchisement of other women, they have come 
bravely to the front with offers of assistance." 

One of the illuminating features of the campaign was the aid 
given to the Union in its election work by prominent Democratic 
women. This support came from the Democratic women of the 
East as well as of the West. For example, Mrs. George A. 
Armes, President of the District of Columbia Branch of the 
National Wilson and Marshall League, wrote to the Chairman 
of the Union during the election days : " I have come to the 
conclusion that the greatest service I can render to the National 
Democratic Party is to help to bring it to realize that true 
democracy involves Suffrage for women as well as for men. I 
know that it will come to a realization of the truth if it sees 
that it can no longer count upon the women's vote in the West 
if it opposes the Suffrage Amendment. I am, therefore, heartily 
with the election campaign of the Congressional Union in its 
appeal to the women voters to cast their votes against all Demo- 
cratic candidates for Congress." 

Women voted in the election for forty-five members of 
Congress. The Democratic Party ran candidates for forty- 
three members in these States. The Congressional Union 
opposed all these candidates. Out of the forty-three Demo- 
cratic candidates, only twenty were elected. In some of 
these districts undoubtedly the women affected these results. 

I quote the same report: 

Basing our estimate on the charges made by friends of the 
candidates whom we were forced, by reason of the action of 
their Party, to oppose, the Congressional Union campaign de- 
feated Representative Neely of Kansas, Mr; Flegel of Oregon, 
and Representative Seldomridge of Colorado; and contributed 
in large measure to the defeat of Mr. Hawley of Idaho, Mr. 
James H. Moyle of Utah, and Mr. Roscoe Drumheller of Wash- 
ington, and greatly lessened the majorities of Senator Smith of 
Arizona, Senator Thomas, and Mr. Keating of Colorado. 

The campaign of the Congressional Union accomplished 
exactly what its members hoped and expected that it would 
accomplish. If their purpose had been merely to unseat Demo- 
crats, they would, of course, have taken the districts in the 
United States where the Democrats had won by very slight 
majorities. When they went into such strongly Democratic 
States as Arizona and Colorado, they did not expect to unseat 


any of the Democratic candidates in those States. Their pur- 
pose was to make Woman SufErage an ever-present political 
issue in the States where women have political power until all 
the women of the United States shall be enfranchised, and to 
lay in those States the foundations for permanent and constantly- 
growing support of the franchise work at Washington, They 
succeeded in making the record of the Democratic Party on 
Woman Suffrage (an issue which would not otherwise have been 
heard of) widely known and hotly discussed in the Suffrage 

In the meantime. Suffrage had come up again and again 
in Congress. On October 10, 1914, during discussion of 
the Philippine Bill, conferring a greater measure of self- 
government on Filipino men, Representative Mann of 
Illinois proposed on that date that the franchise measure 
in the Bill be so amended as to give the vote to women on 
the Islands. This Amendment was lost by a vote of fifty- 
eight to eighty-four. On October 12, Representative J. W. 
Bryan of Washington, Progressive, proposed three other 
Amendments: One, making women eligible to vote in school 
elections, which was lost by a vote of eleven to twenty-seven ; 
one giving the vote to women property-owners, which was lost 
by a vote of nine to twenty-seven, and one giving the Philip- 
pine legislature power to extend the right of Suffrage to 
women at any future time, which was lost by a vote of eleven 
to twenty-seven. The Amendments were defeated by strictly 
party votes, the Democrats ^voting almost solidly against 
them, while the Progressives and Republicans supported 

This Session of Congress adjourned on October 4, 1914. 
At its close, the Suffrage Amendment was upon the calendar 
of the Senate and the House, ready for a vote. In the 
House, however, the Rules Committee must apportion time 
for the vote. Mr. Mondell's Resolution providing for this 
— and for which successive deputations had besieged the 
Rules Committee — was still before the Rules Committee. 

The short Session— the last Session of the Sixty-third 
Congress — opened on December 7. President Wilson's 


message, read to Congress on December 8, made no mention 
of the Woman Suffrage question, though it expressly 
recommended the Bill granting further independence to the 
men of the Philippines. 

In December, therefore, Anne Martin, who had brought 
to brilliant victory the campaign in Nevadei, came to the 
Congressional Union's Headquarters in Washington. She 
called on the President to ask his assistance in furthering 
the passage of the Bristow-Mondell Amendment. 

In referring to the victory in Nevada, the President said : 
" That is the way I believe it should come, by States." 

Miss Martin then pointed out to the President the im- 
mense difficulties involved in State campaigns. She said: 
" The referendum campaigns are killing work, and the 
women of America are working for the passage of this 
Federal Amendment in order to end the long struggle." 

Miss Martin referred to the President's attitude toward 
the Filipinos. She said she had read with interest that 
part of his message to Congress in which he advocated a 
larger measure of self-government for them. She pointed 
out that Suffragists were asking for an extension of the 
same right to American women, and urged him to give equal 
support to the Amendment enfranchising his country- 

The Congressional Union began to send deputations to 
the refractory Rules Committee, immediately upon the 
retqrn of the Committee members to Washington. On 
December 9, Mrs. William Kent and Mrs. Gardner called 
upon Chairman Henry as soon as he reached the city. To 
their great astonishment, they were promptly assured by 
Mr. Henry that the. Rules Committee would report favorably 
House Resolution No. 514 — providing time for the consid- 
eration of the Suffrage Amendment in the House — which 
had been before it since May 13. 

" Mr. Henry said," says the Suffragist of December 12, " that 
he had always desired to make a favorable report of the Suffrage 


rules certain 'sinister influences,' however, working upon some 
of the members of this Committee had made it impossible 
for the Committee to take action upon it during the last 
Session. Mr. Henry did not state what the ' sinister influences ' 
were, nor why they had been removed immediately after the 

He also assured representatives of the Union that the 
Rules Committee would shortly bring the Amendment to a 
vote in the House. 

" There is every reason to believe," said Mrs. Gilson Gard- 
ner commenting on Mr. Henry's glib change of front, " that 
the Party leaders have met and studied the Democratic re- 
turns from the campaign States." 

On January 12, the Resolution on the Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment was debated for over six hours in the House 
and voted upon the same day. One hundred and seventy- 
four votes were cast for the Amendment, two hundred and 
four against it. Forty-six members were recorded as not 
voting. Of the forty-six, twelve were paired in favor, and 
six paired' against it. The Amendment thus failed by 
seventy-eight votes of the necessary two-thirds. 

It is a favorite trick with politicians to bring up the 
Amendment in the short session of a dying Congress. They 
can vote no and still have a chance, in the new Congress, 
to redeem themselves before election. 

The Suffragist of January 23 quotes some of the reasons 
for opposing the Amendment: 

That Woman Suffrage cannot be supported because of a man's 
respect, admiration, and reverence for womanhood. 

That five little colored girls marched in a Suffrage parade in 
Columbus, Ohio. 

That women must be protected against themselves. They 
think they want to vote. As a matter of fact, they do not want 
to vote, and man, being aware of this fact, is obliged to prevent 
them from getting the ballot that they do not want 

That the ballot would degrade women. 

That no man would care to marry a Suffragist. 

That women do not read newspapers on street cars. 


That women do not buy newspapers of Ikey Oppenstein, who 
keeps the stand on the corner. 

That no man would care to marry a female butcher. 

That no man would care to marry a female policeman. 

That Woman Suffrage is a matter for the States to determine. 

That Mrs. Harriot Stanton Blatch once marched in a proces- 
sion in which she carried a banner inscribed, " One million So- 
cialists vote and work for Sufifrage." 

That Inez MilhoUand married a Belgian and once referred 
to a cabinet-officer as a joke. 

That women fail to take part in the " duty of organized 
murder " and might therefore vote against war. 




The new — the Sixty-fourth — Congress did not meet until 
December in 1915. This is the first and only summer in 
President Wilson's administration in which Congress was 
not in session. Normally, Congress meets every other sum- 
mer, but President Wilson has called three special sessions 
in the alternate years. In consequence, that year in Wash- 
ington is less full than others with work with Congress or 
the President. In the meantime, however, the Congressional 
Union did not permit the people of the United States to 
forget the Suffrage fight. 

Alice Paul now felt that it was necessary to swing in 
the support of the country back of the Suifrage demand 
for the Federal Amendment. She felt that this could only 
be accomplished by a nation-wide organization which, dis- 
sipating no energy in State work, would focus on Congress. 

At a meeting of the Advisory Council in New York City 
on Wednesday, March 31, she outlined plans for the coming 
year. She said in part: 

We want to organize in every State. in the Union. We will 
begin this by holding in each State a Convention on the same 
lines as this Conference, at which we will explain our purposes, 
our plans, and our ideals. At each of these Conferences, the 
members will select a State Chairman, who will appoint a Chair- 
man of each of the Congressional constituencies in her State. 
■ Each Convention will also adopt a plan of State organization, 
suited to the needs of their locality. Each Convention too will 
send Representatives to a culminating Convention of women 
voters, to be held at San Francisco during the course of the 
Panama-Pacific Exposition, on September 14th, 15th, and l6th. 
At this first Convention of women voters to be held on their own 



territory in behalf of the National Suffrage Amendment, dele- 
gates will be appointed to go to Washington, D. C, the week 
Congress opens, to lay before their Representatives and the 
leaders of the majority Party in Congress, the demand of women 
voters for the national enfranchisement of women. During the 
opening week in Congress, too, the pageant on the life of Susan 
B. Anthony, along the lines which Hazel Mackaye has just out- 
lined to you, will be given. We want to make Woman Suffrage 
the dominant political issue from the moment Congress recon- 
venes. We want to have Congress open in the midst of a ver- 
itable Suffrage cyclone. 

During the Sixty-third Congress, we have been able, with very 
little organized support, to force action on the Federal Suffrage 
Amendment. When we have an active body of members in every 
State in the Union uniting in this demand, I believe that we will 
be able to get our Amendment passed. 

The organization of the various State Conventions pro- 
gressed rapidly from week to week. An incredible amount 
of work was done — and done with the swift, broad, slashing 
strokes which always characterized the Congressional Union 
work. This, of course, brought the Congressional Union 
into prominence everywhere; but the eye of the coun- 
try was held by a new type of demonstration which, fol- 
lowing her genius for picturesque publicity, Alice Paul 
immediately began to produce. The stage was the entire 
United States of America, and the leading woman in the 
— one would almost call it a pageant — was Sara Bard Field 
of California. The prologue opened at the Panama-Pacific 
Exposition of 1916. 

Through Mrs. Kent an exhibit booth for the Congressional 
Union for Woman Suffrage was secured in the Educational 
Building at the Panama-Pacific Exposition. The Record of 
the Sixty-third Congress was exhibited there, and the people 
in chai'ge invited detailed inspection from visitors. All 
American visitors were asked to look up the record of their 
Congressman, to discover, how he voted on the Suffrage 
Amendment : they were asked to sign the monster petition to 
Congress. This booth, always decorated with purple, white, 
and gold, was to become during the year the scene of meeting 


after meeting; all characterized by the picturesqueness 
which would inevitably emerge from a combination of the 
Congressional Union with California. 

Sara Bard Field, in the Suffragist of September 11, thus 
describes it: 

A world passes by. It looks reverently at the firmly-sweet 
face of Susan B. Anthony, whose portrait hangs upon the wall. 
It scans the record of the vote of the Sixty-third Congress. 
... It peers with curious smiles at the brief array of lady 
dolls which mutely proclaim the voting and non-voting States 
for women, and the forces which prevent Suffrage. . . . 


The first California Conference of the Congressional 
Union was held in San Francisco June 1 and 2. Every 
part of the State and every political Party was represented 
at the gathering. Florence Kelley, National Secretary of 
the Consumers' League, appealed to the women of the West 
for aid in the battle of Eastern women for Suffrage in the 
following eloquent words: 

I come from a State in which women have been trying to 
get Suffrage for twenty-seven years. We are forced to come to 
you women of California and ask you to stand behind us; and 
we are thankful that California has re-enlisted for Suffrage. 
Women in California have talked to me about the ease with 
which they won Suffrage, and praise their men-folk. I would 
like to say there was nothing the matter with my father. He 
was a Suffragist. There is nothing the matter with our men 
in the State of New York. Our trouble is with the steerage. 
They inundate our shores year after year. We slowly assimilate 
and convert; but each year there is the same work to do over 
— ^the same battle with ignorance and foreign ideas of freedom 
and the " place of woman." 

Mrs. Kelley gave instance after instance of the humilia- 
tion to which women working on the New York Suffrage 
petition had been put by naturalized foreign residents. She 
pointed out the curious, paradoxical inconsistency of grant- 
ing foreigners the vote, and yet denying it to American 


She described with a real dramatic effect the incident of 
the President's trip to Philadelphia, when he welcomed a 
great army of naturalized immigrants, and denied a hearing 
to American women. 

" There are some of our men," she conimented, " the me- 
chanics of whose minds we do not miderstand. George Wash- 
ington, you may remember, in Woodrow Wilson's History of 
the United States, had no mother." 

Mrs. Kelley told of the battle women, themselves sworn 
to enforce the law, have to fight if they are without the 
ballot. She went into her experiences as a voteless citizen 
of Illinois, when she was a factory inspector there. 

Eastern women have been degraded by sixty-eight years of 
beggary. They have begged of the steerage; they have begged 
of politicians; now they find it possible to come West and ask 
the co-operation of their own sisters. But I come to you with 
a nobler argument when I ask you to support the work of the 
Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage. Do not do it for 
us, even though we have borne the rigor and heat of the day in 
the long fight for enfranchisement. Do it for the children of 
the future: let them come into a noble heritage through us. 

The climax of this Conference came the final day when, 
at the Inside Inn ball-room of the Exposition, the repre- 
sentatives of the eleven enfranchised States, the Territory 
of Alaska and in addition the enfranchised nations, meeting 
on the same platform, told what freedom for women had 
accomplished in their nations and States. The great ball- 
room was decorated with purple, white, and gold banners 
of the Union, and massed with golden acacia. Many of the 
women representatives wore the costumes of their native 
land. Mayi Maki, a Finnish girl typically blonde, in the 
striking peasant costume of Finland, spoke. Mrs. Chem 
Chi, a Chinese woman, in the no less striking costume of 
China, spoke. Representatives of New Zealand, the Isle of 
Man, Norway, Iceland, and Denmark spoke. 

The Congressional Union celebrated Bunker Hill Day, 


June 17, by another charming occasion. It dedicated to 
the Massachusetts exhibit a miniature reproduction of 
Bunker Hill monument, thrown into relief by a black-velvet 
background, which bore the history of the notable women 
of the State. 

It was a brilliant day, sunny and clear. The Massa- 
chusetts Building, a facsimile of the noble State House of 
Boston, situated between the gorgeous bay of San Fran- 
cisco and the iridescent Marin shore on the one hand, and 
the long line of orientally colored Exposition Buildings on 
the other, was decorated for the occasion with the red, white, 
and blue of the national flag, and the white of the great 
State flag. 

A procession of Suffragists, headed by Gail Laughlin, 
wearing the purple, white, and gold regalia, and escorted 
by a special military band, marched behind a large purple, 
white, and gold flag, and between an avenue of purple, 
white, and gold flags up to the Massachusetts Building, 
where they were confronted by a great banner, bearing the 
words of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment. 

Gail Laughlin, who was educated in Massachusetts, said 
in part: 

There were Pilgrim mothers in those days, as well as Pilgrim 
Fathers, though they were singularly absent from history. You 
will find nothing of them in the schoolbooks; you have to go 
to the sources from which histories are made. Then Mary 
Warren, advisor of Knox and Adams and Jefferson ; and Hannah 
Winthrop and Abigail Adams begin to stand out beside the men 
who are said to have made the history of that time. Was it not 
Abigail Adams who wrote to her husband at the Continental 
Congress when the very document we women are now striving 
to change was drawn up : " If you do not free the women of the 
nation, there will be another revolution." I consider Abigail 
Adams the first member of the Congressional Union for Woman 

There was Julia Ward Howe, the author of The Battle Hymn 
of the Republic, and Harriet Beecher Stowe, who so largely 
helped in the freeing of the slaves ; and Lucy Stone, that staunch 
Abolitionist and Suffragist — all closely linked with Massa- 


chusetts' great history. It was Lucy Stone who, when protest 
was made that she injected " too much suffrage " into her Abo- 
litionist speeches, declared, " I was a woman before I was an 

Later, at a mass-meeting of the CcQgressional Union, 
Maud Younger, who, in Washington, was to become so stead- 
fast a worker for the Congressional Union, spoke. Maud 
Younger is one of the most picturesque of the many pic- 
turesque figures among the native daughters of California: 
a student of economic conditions ; a feminist ; much traveled ; 
an ex-president qf the Waitresses' Union; her life is as 
inextricably mixed with the Labor and Suffrage history of 
California as later it was bound with the Woman's Party. 
On this occasion, she said: 

The burden of the women of the unenfranchised States, their 
struggles, is ours more than it ever was; our freedom is not our 
own while they are unenfranchised. I realized in the East that 
we women can spend a lifetime for Suffrage, if we continue to 
work State by State only. Do you realize that, since we won 
our vote in California, Ohio has been twice defeated, and Michi- 
gan twice defeated? ... I heard Frank P. Walsh, Chairman 
of the Industrial Railways Commission, say in Washington: 
" The ballot for women will only come through the persistent 
and unremitting effort of the women in the free States." 

Maud Younger was followed by Andrew Gallagher, equally 
important, and equally as picturesque a figure among the 
Native Sons of California. Mr. Gallagher is an ex- 
champion amateur heavyweight of the Pacific Coast; a 
labor leader; a power in California politics. He said in 
part : \ 

In those days when Suffrage hopes were dark in California, 
Labor stood by women; as we stood for State Suffrage, so now 
we stand for National Suffrage. If Labor can help to bring 
about the passage of the National Woman Suffrage Amendment;, 
then Labor will put its shoulder to the wheel, and do all in its 
power to force its adoption. 


The Political Convention of Woman Voters held in San 
Francisco in September at the Panama-Pacific Exposition, 
carried out all these traditions of picturesque^ess. Mrs. 
O. H. P. Belmont opened the Convention. Mrs. Fremont 
Older, the novelist, spoke. Dr. Yami Kin, the first woman 
physician in China — ^bringing to the event a picturesque 
touch of internationalism by wearing a pale blue brocaded 
mandarin coat — spoke in excellent English. Mme. Ali Kuli 
Khan, the wife of the Persian Minister, and Mme. Maria 
Montessori, the famous Italian physician and educator, also 

Mrs. Belmont said: 

We women of the North, of the South and of the East, 
branded on account of sex, disfranchised as criminals and im- 
beciles, come to the glorious West, where the broad vision of its 
men has seen justice. 

Mrs. Older said: 

I thought that Woman Suffrage was like Utopia ; when women 
were good enough to vote, the men would give it to them; but 
I have learned that Utopias are not given away; they must be 
fought for. 

Dr. Yami Kin said: 

All countries look to North and West for inspiration and help 
in their march toward freedom. 

JVime. Montessori said: 

We have watched individual States in your country give justice 
to women, one by one. Now we are waiting for the United 
States to declare its women free. 

The Convention passed Resolutions calling upon the 
Sixty-fourth Congress to vote for the Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment. Sara Bard Field and Frances Joliffe were 
selected as envoys to carry the Resolution across the country 


to Congress. A plan was made for the envoys to travel 
slowly eastward, holding meetings and collecting signatures 
to the petition; arriving in Washington the day Congress 
assembled. Mabel Vernon acted as advance guard for this 
expedition and was more responsible than anybody eke for 
its success. 

The final ceremony of the Convention took place in the 
Court of Abundance on the night of the day which had been 
designated by the directors of the Exposition as the Con- 
gressional Union for Woman Suffrage Day. On that eve- 
ning, Mr. M. H. DeYoung, on behalf of the directors of the 
Exposition, presented Mrs. Belmont for the Congressional 
Union with a bronze medal in recognition of the work of the 
Congressional Union. Ten thousand people gathered there 
to witness it. They listened rapt to the speeches, and then 
— flighting their way by thousands of golden lanterns — ac- 
companied the envoys to the gates. 

The national Suffrage Edition of the Scm Francisco 
BvMetm, edited by Mrs. O. H. F. Belmont, assisted by Doris 
Stevens as city editor, Mrs. John Jay White as art editor 
and Alice Faul as telegraph editor, charmingly described 
the scene: 

The great place was softly and naturally lit except for the 
giant tower gate flaiqing aloft in the white lights which focnssed 
on it as on some brilliant altar. Far below, like a brilliant 
flower bed, filling the terraced side from end to end, glowed the 
huge chorus of women, which was one of the features of the 
evening. Those at the top — hardly women — ^were the girls of 
the Oriental School, from midget size up, in quaintly colorful 
nativj; costumes. In the foreground were the Finnish, Swedish, 
and Norwegian girls in their peasant costumes, and, stretching 
the length of the stage, like a great living flag of the Con- 
gressional Union, were massed Union members in surplices of 
the organization colors. The effect was one of exotic brilliancy. 

Back of the stage, curtaining the great arch, fluttered the red, 
white, and blue emblem of the nation that women have sacrificed 
as much to upbuild as the men ; but significantly waving with the 
Stars and Stripes hung the great Suffrage banner, that ringingly 


CHISING WOMEN. And the great crowd in the Court 
joined in the swelling song that another band of women across 
the sea, fighting for liberty, had originated. Every one was 
catching the words: 

"Shout, shout, up with your song! 
Cry with the wind, for the dawn is breaking. 
March, march, swing you along. 
Wide blow our banners, and hope is waking." 

And then came the envoys, delegated by women voters to 
carry the torch of liberty through the dark lands and keep it 
burning. And the dark mass below the lighted altar-tower 
caught the choristers' spirit, and burst into cheers. 

The chorus also sang the Song of the Free Women, written 
by Sara Bard Field to the music of the Marseillaise. 

The envoys spoke. Their words were greeted with cheers. 
One of the nation's greatest actresses, Margaret Anglin, said 
a few fitting farewell words to them in the name of the women 
of the world. 

Then, all at once, the great, brightly-colored picture and its 
dark background began to disintegrate and fade. The Court 
darkened, but bright masses of women were forming in proces- 
sion to escort the envoys to the gates of the Exposition. Orange 
lanterns swayed in the breeze; purple, white, and gold draperies 
fluttered, the blare of the band burst forth, and the great surging 
crowd followed to the gates. 

There, Ingeborg Kindstedt and Maria Kindberg, of Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island, who had purchased the car that is to take 
the crusaders on their long journey, met the procession. The 
Overland car was covered with Suffrage streamers. Miss 
Kindberg was at the wheel. To the wild cheering of the crowd. 
Miss Joliflfe and Mrs. Field, the two envoys for Washington, 
were seated. The crowd surged close with final messages. 
Cheers burst forth as the gates opened, and the big car swung 
through, ending the most dramatic and significant Suffrage Con- 
vention that has probably ever been held in the history of the 

And so Alice Paul's stupendous pageant — ^whose stage 
was the entire United States — opened. 

The petition which the envoys were to carry across the 
country to Washington was, even when it left California, 


the largest ever signed in one place. It was 18,338 fe«t 
long, and contained 500,000 names. 

Very soon after the envoys started, President Wilson made 
his first declaration for Suffrage. He also went to New 
Jersey and voted for it. 

Frances Joliffe was called back to California by illness 
in her family at the beginning of the journey. Sara Bard 
Field, therefore, continued alone across the continent with 
her two Swedish convoys. It was a remarkable trip, 
filled with unexpected adventure. A long procession of 
Mayors and Governors welcomed Mrs. Field in her nation- 
wide journey. Everywhere she advertised the Democratic 
record in Congress. One of the early mishaps was to get 
lost in the desert of Utah. They wandered about for a 
whole day, and regained the highway in time to arrive in 
Salt Lake City at five o'clock in the afternoon. Later in 
Kansas came a more serious mishap. But let Mrs. Field 
speak for herself. No better picture can be given of her 
picturesque journey than her own reports, published from 
time to time in the Suffragist. 

From Fallon, Nevada, Mrs. Field wrote: 

Here we are in the heart of Nevada's desert, having traveled 
already over three hundred and eighty miles of every kind 
of country — meadow land, green, luzurious ranches, rolling hill 
country, steep mountain grades, the grass lands of the Sierras, 
and now through the bare but beautiful desert. 

We reached Reno at midnight on Sunday after a vision of the 
sublime chaos of the Sierras at night. 

At night, from a car flying the Congressional Union colors 
and the Amendment banner. Miss Martin and I spoke in the 
streets of Reno. The crowd listened with close attention, and 
pressed closely about the car to sign the petition. 

At noon today, we left Reno for the most trying and perilous 
part of our journey. We are traveling across some six hundred 
miles of barren land known as the " Great American Desert" 
Our next destination is Salt Lake City. 

From Salt Lake City, Mrs. Field wrote: 


The State Capitol, where each meeting was held, stands on 
a hill. The world is at its feet. The mountains wall the entire 
city. . . . While the earth was glowing in the light of a flaming 
sunset, and the mountains about stood like everlasting witnesses. 
Representative Howell of Utah pledged his full and unqualified 
support to the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in the coming ses- 
sion of Congress. 

At Colorado Springs, their reception was almost a 
pageant. Marching to music, a procession of women clad 
in purple, white, and gold surplices and carrying banners, 
accompanied the Suffrage car to the City Hall where they 
sang The March of the Women and The Song of the Free 
Womek. The Mayor of Colorado Springs greeted them with 
a welcoming speech. 

In the bogs of southern Kansas, the Suffrage car had an 
adventure. The Suffragist says: 

Fulling into Hutchinson on Monday evening over muddy 
roads, the car plunged suddenly into a deep hole filled with water. 
The body of the Flier was almost submerged. The petitioners, 
fearing to step out of the car, sat and called " Help ! " into 
the darkness of the night until their voices were hoarse. No 
response came from the apparently deserted country. But they 
knew there was a farmhouse about a mile back. So Sara Bard 
Field, little but brave, slipped away from her place on the back 
seat; before her companions knew it, was almost up to hei; waist 
in slimy mud. Hardly able to pull one foot out of the mud to 
plant it ahead of the other, she finally, after a two hours' 
struggle, reached the ranch, where the farmer and his son were 
roused from their sleep (for it was now midnight) and told of 
the women's plight. In a little while, horses were harnessed 
and a rescue party was on its way; but not until three o'clock 
did the women start toward Hutchinson tired and wet, and cov- 
ered with mud. 

In Kansas City, Missouri, the Suffragists, accompanied by 
a procession of automobiles, impressively long, called first on 
Mayor Jost and then on Senator Reed. The difference 
between Suffrage and non-Suffrage States became immedi- 
ately evident from Mayor Jost's attitude; for, while he 
bade the envoys welcome, he declined to state his own con- 


victions on the purposes of their journey. There was no 
doubt about Senator Reed's conviction. He had voted 
against the Suffrage measure in the last Session. The 
women made speeches. In answer, Senator Reed spoke sev- 
eral sentences in such a low and indistinct manner that no 
one in the crowd that overflowed his office could understand 
him, and a man in the delegation called out, " You need 
say only one word, Senator." There were more speeches 
from the women, and, when Senator Reed saw that some- 
thing must be said, he finally declared he " would take the 
matter into consideration." 

Mrs. Field writing of Missouri, said: 

" In the enemy's country," — ^that is what the newspapers said 
of our arrival in Missouri, the first non-Su£Erage State we 
reached. Such kind, genial, hospitable " enemies." I wish all 
enemies were of their disposition. For a whole day and. night, 
Kansas City, Missouri, was alive with Suffrage enthusiasm; 
great crowds attended our advent everywhere. We never spoke 
that whole day, from our noon meeting on the City Hall steps 
until the last late street meeting at night, but we had more 
people to talk to than our voices could reach. As our auto pro- 
cession passed down the street, crowds gathered to see it; and 
the windows of every business house and office building were 
lined with kindly faces. Often, there was applause and cheers; 
when these were lacking, there was a peculiar sort of earnest 
curiosity. And, oh the Suffragists! I wish that every western 
voting woman who is making a sacrificial effort at all for Na- 
tional Suffrage could have seen those grateful women. " The 
greatest day for Suffrage Kansas has ever seen," said some of the 
older Suffrage workers : " How good of the western women to 
come to our aid ! " At the City Club meeting, which was packed, 
Mr. Frank P. Walsh predicted National Suffrage in 1916. 
There was good fellowship over a Suffrage dinner, and earnest 
street meetings afterwards; gravely interested crowds attended, 
and the newspapers gave large space. The whole city talked 
National Suffrage for at least two days. 

At Topeka occurred another adventure. A great crowd 
awaited the Suffrage automobile for two hours. But sixty 
miles away, afflicted with tire trouble and engine difficulties. 


the car stoQd stationary for those two hours. And all the 
time, the valiant Mabel Vernon talked, hoping against hope 
that the arrival of the car would interrupt her speech. She 
says that in those two hours she talked everything she ever 
knew, 'guessed, hoped, or wished for Suffrage. 

The Chicago reception was unusually picturesque. En- 
thusiasm was heightened by the fact that the women voters 
were holding a Convention there, and they added their wel- 
come to that of the city. 

At eleven o'clock in the morning, fifty automobiles, flying 
the Suffrage colors, and filled with Suffrage workers from 
all organizations, met Mrs. Field at her hotel. Then the 
long line of cars escorted by mounted officers, passed 
through the crowded streets to the Art Museum on the wide 
Michigan Boulevard. Here was a stage equal in impressive- 
ness, although of quite a different kind, to that of the Court 
of Abundance, which saw the envoys depart down their 
nation-wide trail. Back of them was the great silver- 
gray Lake; in front of them, the long line of monolithic 
Chicago skyscrapers, grim and weather-blackened; and on 
both sides the wide expanses of the Boulevard. The Suf- 
frage women, a mass of brilliant color, covered the steps of 
the Museum. At the top a chorus of a hundred women 
grouped about the band. From the bronze standard in 
the center of the steps hung the Amendment banner. And 
in their midst, like, as somebody has said — " a brown 
autumn leaf blown from the West " — Sara Bard Field in 
her simple traveling suit punctuated all that vividness. 

Mayor Thompson said: 

Speaking for the City of Chicago, which I have the honor to 
represent, I can say that we wish you God-speed and much 
success in your mission. 

He further told Mrs. Field: 

We have watched the growth of the Suffrage movement with 
great interest, and as you know, we have partial Suffrage in 


Illinois. I hope it will not be long before women have full 
Suffrage here and throughout the nation. 

Mrs. Field replied: 

I like Mayor Thompson's way of putting it. At Kansas City 
the other day, the Mayor quite flustered me with his speech. He 
said so many things about women — for instance, that woman 
was a Muse that soared; that she was ^ the poetry of our exist- 
ence; and something about the sun, moon, and stars. Then he 
added that he did not think women should be allowed to vote. 
I think Mayor Thompson's method is much better. 

" My recollections yesterday," Mrs. Field wrote to the Suf- 
fragist, " are a confused mass of impressions — ^music and cheers 
— throngs of men, women, and children — colors flying in the sun- 
shine, and great crowds surging and pressing about." 

In Indianapolis, there gathered to meet the envoys the 
largest street meeting ever held in Indiana in behalf of 
Suffrage. The Indianapolis News of November 8 says : 

Mrs. Sara Bard Field, brown-eyed and slender, saw men 
gather at the curbing in the shadows of the Morton Monument, 
on the State House steps, shortly'after noon today — watched them 
smile as she began her talk for Woman Suffrage, then saw their 
faces grow serious as they stepped nearer. Then she smiled 
herself, and her argument poured forth while " old hands " in 
the State House coterie and machine politicians stood with open 
mouths and drank in her pleadings. 

There is only space for glimpses of this picturesque single 
pilgrimage from now on to its rception at Washington. 
At Detroit, they were welcomed by a glowing evening recep- 
tion. A long procession of automobiles, decorated with 
yellow flags, yellow pennants, yellow balloons, and illu- 
minated yellow lanterns, met them on the outskirts of the 
city, and escorted them to the steps of the County Building. 
Here four stone urns foamed with red fire. " The scene 
was," one of the papers said, '* like pictures of Rome in the 
time of the Cassars. ..." In Cleveland, they held an 
open-air meeting in the public square in the midst of a whirl- 


ing snowstorm. A drum, a trombone, and a cornet escorted 
them — with an effect markedly comic — through the echoing 
corridors of the City Hall to the Mayor's office; escorted 
them, after the official call, onto the street again. In New 
York came their first real accident. On the way to Geneva, 
the asde broke. The Rochester motor companies declared it 
was impossible to do anything for a day at least ; but Mrs. 
Field telephoned to the head office at Toledo, and a new 
axle appeared in Rochester at seven o'clock in the evening. 
However, the envoys had to drive through cold and a light 
fall of snow until half-past one in the morning, in order 
to make the meeting at Syracuse the next day. ... In 
Albany, preceded by a musical car which played The Battle 
Hymn of the Republic, they proceeded to the enormous 
Capitol Building, where Governor Whitman, surrounded by 
his staff, met them. The Governor was amazed that a 
woman had driven the car all the way from San Francisco, 
and even more amazed at the size of the envoy. " I 
thought you would be six feet tall," he said. ... At 
Providence, after a rousing welcome in Boston — where Gov- 
ernor Walsh met the envoys, and the enormous crowd which 
accompanied them, in the beautiful rotunda of the State 
House — the little car, which now registered nearly five 
thousand miles of hard travel, was put on the boat, and its 
occupants brought to New York City. The weather-beaten 
automobile, bearing the slogan on the front, ON TO 
CONGRESS!, and on the back, the great Demand banner, 
ING WOMEN, followed one hundred other cars, beautifully 
decorated with purple ribbons, with gold and white chrysan- 
themums and with floating goldein balloons, blazed — among 
the jet-black motors and the glossy green busses of Fifth 
Avenue — a path of purple and gold. A huge meeting was 
held in the ball-room at Sherry's at which Mrs. O. H. P. 
Belmont, Frances Joliffe, and .Florence Kelley spoke for the 
Suffragists. Sara Bard Field closed the meeting. The 


Tribune said : " A tired little woman in a travel-worn brown 
suit, she stood in the glitter of Sherry's ball-room, and held 
out a tired little brown hand." 

" We want to help you, the voting women of the West," 
she pleaded ; " will you let us ? " " The audience," the 
Suffragist says, " was moved to tears and action : six thou- 
sand dollars was contributed to the Congressional Union." 

The late Mayor Mitchell telephoned to the meeting his 
regret that he was unable to be present because of illness; 
but he received the envoys at his home, and added his name 
to the petition. 

At Washington, the envoys were met by an escort, planned 
and directed for the Congressional Union by Mary Austin, 
the celebrated novelist. It comprised a group of mounted 
women, representing the eleven States and Alaska, in all of 
which women are enfranchised; another group, representing 
the thirty-seven unenfranchised States; great numbers of 
flag and banner bearers, wearing long, purple capes with 
deep yellow collars and white stoles; hundreds of women 
carrying purple, white, and gold pennants. 

The party started at once for the Capitol to the music 
first of the Marseillaise and then of Dixie. 

There were two picturesque features of the parade. The 
famous petition itself, bearing five hundred thousand sig^ 
natures, unrolled to the length of one hundred feet, and 
carried by twenty bearers, was the focus for all eyes. A 
replica of the Liberty Bell, lavishly decorated in purple, 
white, and gold, and mounted on the same truck which had 
carried it through the Pennsylvania State campaign, of 
course attracted almost an equal degree of attention. 

At the top of the high broad Capitol steps Senator 
Sutherland of Utah and Representative Mbndell, surrounded 
by a group of Senators and Representatives, formed a recep- 
tion committee. To music, Sara Bard Field and Frances 
Joliffe marched up the steps followed by the petition bearers 
and attendants. The envoys made speeches and Senator 
Sutherland and Representative Mondell replied to them. 


From the Capitol, the party proceeded to the White 

President Wilson received the envoys in the East Room. 
Anne Martin introduced Sara Bard Field and Prances 

In closing, ^Miss Joliffe said: " Help us, Mr. President, to 
a new freedom and a larger liberty." 

Sara Bard Field emphasized that same note: 

. . . and, Mr. President, as I am not to have the woman's 
privUege of the last word, may I say that I know what your 
plan has been in the past, that you have said it was a matter 
for the States. But we have seen that, like all great men, you 
have changed your mind on other questions. We have watched 
the change and development of your mind on preparedness, and 
we honestly believe that circumstances have so altered that you 
may change your mind in this regard. 

Mrs. Field then requested the President to look at the 
petition. He advanced, unrolled a portion of it, and ex- 
amined it with interest. 

The President said: 

I did not come here anticipating the necessity of making an 
address of any kind. As you have just heard (and here the 
President smiled), I hope it is true that I am not a man set 
stiffly beyond the possibility of learning. I hope that I shall 
continue to be a learner as long as I live. 

I can only say to you this afternoon that nothing could be 
more impressive than the presentation of such a request in such 
numbers and backed by such influence as undoubtedly stands 
behind you. Unhappily it is too late for me to consider what 
is to go into my message, because that went out to the news- 
papers at least a week ago; and I have a habit — perhaps the 
habit of the teacher — of confining my utterances to one subject 
at a time, for fear that two subjects might compete with one 
another for prominence. I have felt obliged in the present pos- 
ture of affairs to devote my message to one subject, and am, 
therefore, sorry to say that it is too late to take under consid- 
eration your request that I embody this in my message. All I 
can say with regard to what you are urging at present is this: 
I hope I shall always have an open mind, and I shall certainly 


take the greatest pleasure in conferring in the most serious way 
with my colleagues at the other end of the city with regard 
to what is the right thing to do at this time concerning this 
great matter. I am always restrained, as some of you will re- 
member, by the consciousness that I must speak for others as 
well as for myself as long as I occupy my present ofEce, and, 
therefore, I do not like to speak for others until I consult 
others and see what I am justified in saying. 

This visit of yours will remain in my mind, not only as a very 
delightful compliment, but also as a very impressive thing which 
undoubtedly will make it necessary for all of us to consider 
very carefully what is right for us to do. 

It will be noted that in this speech, the President referred 
to the " influence " behind the women. He speaks of the 
" impressive " quality of this demonstration. 

From now on the strength of the woman voters became 
a dominant note in the work with both the President and 

On December 12, a great mass-meeting of welcome to the 
envoys was held in the Belasco Theatre. Forty-five thou- 
sand dollars was pledged there for the work with Congress. 

The Sixty-fourth Congress convened December 6. 

The Susan B. Anthony Amendment, at the request of the 
Congressional Union, was introduced in the Senate on De- 
cember 7 by Senator Sutherland of Utah and in the House 
on December 6 by Representative Mondell of Wyoming. 
Other members introduced the identical measure the same 
day. In the Senate, it was referred to the Committee on 
Woman Suffrage and in the House to the Judiciary Com- 

On December 16 occurred a Suffrage hearing before 
the Judiciary Committee. It will be remembered that this 
was the first hearing since the Congressional Union h^ 
campaigned against the Democratic Party. It was one 
of the most stormy in the history of the Congressional 
Union. Later a Republican Congressman referred to it, not 


IS the "hearing," but as the "interruption." The storm 
3id not break until after two hours in which the speakers 
jf the other Suffrage Association had been heard^ and the 
Following members of the Congressional Union: Mrs. 
\ndreas Ueland, Jennie C. Law Hardy, Florence Bayard 
Hilles, Mabel Vernon, all introduced by Alice Paul. 

At this point, there occurred among the Democratic 
nembers of the Committee a sudden meeting of heads, a 
listurbed whispering. To informed lookers-on, it became 
evident that it had just dawned on them that the pale, 
lelicate, slender slip of a girl in a gown of violet silk and 
I long Quakerish white fichu was the power behind all this 
igitation, that redoubtable Alice Paul who had waged the 
:ampaign of 1914 against them. 

As Alice Paul rose to introduce one of the speakers, Mr. 
Faggart of Kansas interrogated her. It will be remembered 
that this was the Mr. Taggart whose majority had been 
liminished, by the Woman's Party campaign, from three 
:housand to three hundred. 

Mr. Taggart to Miss Paul: Are you here to report progress 
D your effort to defeat Democratic candidates ? 

Miss Paul: We are here to talk about this present Congress 
—this present situation. We are here to ask the Judiciary 
liommittee to report this bill to the House. 

Mr. Taggart: I take this occasion to say as a member of 
his committee that if there was any partisan organization made 
ip of men who had attempted to defeat members of this com- 
aittee, I do not think we would have given them a hearing. And 
f they had been men, they wouldn't have asked it. 

Miss Paul: But you hear members of the Republican Party 
,nd of the Prohibition Party. 

Mr. Webb: They aren't partisan. (Laughter). 

Mr. Taggart, coming back to the attack: You didn't defeat 
. single Democratic Member of Congress in a Suffrage State. 

Miss Paul, quickly: Why, then, are you so stirred up over 
ur campaign? (Audible murmur from Republican left wing). 

Mr. Webb : I move a recess of this committee for one hour. 

After the recess Miss Paul rose to introduce Helen Todd 
f California. 


Mr. Williams put the following question to her: 

Miss Paul, would you state to me the names of the candidates 
for Congress which your organization opposed in the State of 
Illinois ? 

Miss Paul: We conducted our campaign only in the nine States 
in which women were ahle to vote for members of Congress. 
In no way did we participate in the campaign in Illinois. 

Miss Paul then introduced Helen Todd. After Miss Todd 
had spoken, Frances Joliffe and Sara Bard Field spoke. 
Later Alice Paul said: 

In closing the argument before this committee, may I sum- 
marize our position? We have come here to ask one simple 
thing: that the Judiciary Committee refer this Suffrage Amend- 
ment, known as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, to the House 
of Representatives. We are simply asking you to do what you 
can do — that you let the House of Representatives decide this 
question. We have tried to bring people to this hearing from 
all over the United States to show the desire of women that 
this should be done. 

I want to emphasize just one point, in addition, that we are 
absolutely non-partisan. We are made up of women who are 
strong Democrats, Women who are strong Republicans, women 
who are Socialists, Progressives — every type of women. We are 
all united on this one thing — that we put Suffrage before every- 
thing else. In every election, if we ever go into any future 
elections, we simply pledge ourselves to this — that we will con- 
sider the furtherance of Suffrage and not our party affiliations 
in deciding what action we shall take. 

Mr. Williams, of Illinois: Is it your policy to fight this ques- 
tion out only as a national issue? Do you make any attempt 
to secure relief through the States? 

Miss Paul: The Congressional Union is organized to work for 
an Amendment to the National Constitution. We feel that the 
time has come, because of the winning of so many Suffrage 
States in the West, to use the votes of women to get Suffrage 
nationally. In the earlier days in this country, all the Suffrage 
work was done in the States, but the winning of the Western 
States has given us a power which we did not have before, so 
we have now turned from State work to national work. We 
are concentrating on the national government. 

Mr. Gard: Miss Paul, is it true that you prefer to approach 


this through the State legislatures than to approach it directly 
through the people? 

Miss Paul: We prefer the quickest way, which we believe is 
by Congressional action. 

Mr. Taggart: Why did you oppose the Democrats in the last 
election ? 

Miss Paul: We came into existence when the administration 
of President Wilson first came in. We appealed to all members 
of Congress to have this Amendment put through at once. We 
did get that measure out upon the floor of the House and Senate, 
but when it came to getting a vote in the House we found we 
were absolutely blocked. We went again and again, week after 
week, and month after month to the Democratic members of the 
Rules Committee, who controlled the apportioning of the time of 
the House, and asked them to. give us five or ten minutes for the 
discussion of Suffrage. Every time they refused. They told us 
that they were powerless to act because the Democrats had met 
in caucus and decided that Suffrage was a matter to be decided 
in the States and should not be brought up in Congress. (Here 
Miss Paul, moving the papers in front of her, deftly extracted 
a letter.) I have here a letter from Mr. Henry, Chairman of 
the Rules Committee, m which he says : " It would give me great 
pleasure to report the Resolution to the House, except for the 
fact that the Democratic caucus, by its direct action, has tied 
my hands and placed me in a position where I will not be au- 
thorized to do so unless the caucus is reconvened and changes its 
decision. I am sure your good judgment will cause you to 
thoroughly understand my attitude." 

(This interesting revelation was greeted by appreciative grins 
from the Republican members.) 

After we had been met for months with the statement that the 
Democratic Party had decided in caucus not to let Suffrage 
come up in Congress, we said, "We will go, out to the women 
voters in the West and tell them how we are blocked in Wash- 
ington, and ask them if they will use their vote for the very 
highest purpose for which they can use it — to help get votes for 
other women." 

We campaigned against every one of the forty-three men who 
were running for Congress on the Democratic ticket in any of 
the Suffrage States; and only nineteen of those we campaigned 
against came back to Washington. In December, at the close of 
the election, we went back to the Rules Committee. They told 
us then that they had no greater desire in the world than to 
bring the Suffrage Amendment out. They told us that we had 


misunderstood them in thinking that they were opposed to having 
Suffrage come up in Congress. They voted at once to bring 
Suffrage upon the floor for the first time in history. The whole 
opposition of the Democratic Party melted away and the decision 
of the party caucus was reversed. 

The part we played in the last election was simply to tell the 
women voters of the West of the way the Democratic Party had 
blocked us at Washington and of the way the individual mem- 
bers of the Party, from the West, had supported their Party in 
blocking us. As soon as we told this record they ceased block- 
ing us and we trust they will never block us again. 

Question: But what about next time? 

Miss Paul: We hope we will never have to go into another 
election. We are appealing to all Parties and to all men to put 
this Amendment through this Congress and send it on to the 
State Legislatures. What we are doing is giving the Democrats 
their opportunity. We did pursue a certain policy which we 
have outlined to you as you requested. As to what we may do 
we cannot say. It depends upon the future situation. 

Question: But we want to know what you will do in the 1916 

Miss Paul: Can you possibly tell us what will be in the plat- 
form of the Democratic Party in 1916? 

Mr. Webb: I can tell one plank that will not be there, and 
that is a plank in favor of Woman Suffrage. 

Question: If conditions are the same, do you not propose to 
fight Democrats just the same as you did a year ago? ' 

Miss Paul: We have come to ask your help in this Congress. 
But in asking it we have ventured to remind you that in the next 
election one-fifth of the vote for President comes from Suffrage 
States. What we shall do in that election depends upon what 
you do. 

Mr. Webb: We would know better what to do if we knew 
what you were going to do. 

Mr. Gard: We should not approach this hearing in any 
partisan sense. What I would like is to be informed about 
some facts. I asked Mrs. Field what reason your organization 
had for asking Congress to submit this question to States that 
have already acted upon it. Why should there be a resubmission 
to the voters by national action in States which have either voted 
for or against it, when the machinery exists in these same States 
to vote for it again ? 

Miss Paul: They have never voted on the question of a Na- 
tional Amendment. 


Mr. Gard: The States can only ratify it. You would prefer 
that course to having it taken directly to the people? 

Miss Paul: Simply because we have the power of women's 
votes to brck up this method. < 

Mr. Gard: You are using this method because you think you 
have power to enforce it? 

Miss Paul: Because we know we have power. , 

Mr. Taggart: The women who have the vote in the West 
are not worrying about what women are doing in the East. 
You will have to get more States before you try this na- 

Miss Paul: We think that this repeated advise to go back to 
the States proves beyond all cavil that we are on the right 
track. / 

Mr. Taggart: Suppose you get fewer votes this time? Do 
you think it is fair to those members of Congress who voted for 
Woman Suffrage and have stood fori Woman Suffrage, to oppose 
them merely because a majority of their Party were not in favor 
of Woman Suffrage? / 

Miss Paul: Every man that we opposed stood by his Party 
caucus in its opposition to Suffrage. >. 

Mr. Volstead: This inquiry is absolutely unfair and improper. 
It is cheap politics, and I have gotten awfully tired listening 
to it. 

Mr. Taggart: Have your services been bespoken by the Re- 
publican committee of Kansas for the next campaign? 

Miss Paul: We are greatly gratified by this tribute to our 

Mr. Moss: State just whether or not it is a fact that the 
question is. What is right? and not. What will be the reward 
or punishment of the members of this committee? Is not that 
the only question that is pending before this committee? 

Miss Paul: Yes, as we have said over and over today. We 
have come simply to ask that this committee report this measure 
to the House, that the House may consider the question. 

Mr. Moss: Can you explain to the committee what; the ques- 
tion of what you are going to do to a member of this committee 
or a Congressman in regard to his vote has to do with the ques- 
tion of what we should do as our duty? 

Miss Paul: As I have said, we don't see any reason for dis- 
cussing that. 

Mr. Webb: You have no blacklist, have you. Miss Paul? 
Miss Paul: No. 

Mr. Taggart: You are organized, are you not, for the chas' 


tisement of political Parties that do not do your bidding at 

Miss Paul: We are organized to win votes for women and 
our method of doing this is to organize the women who have 
the vote to help other women to get it. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

Before going on with the work for 1916, it is perhaps 
expedient to mention here one of two interesting events. The 
New York Tribune announced on November 5 that, " accept- 
ing the advise of Mrs. Medill McCormick of Chicago, the 
National American Woman Suffrage Association announced 
yesterday that it had instructed the Congressional Com- 
mittee not to introduce the Shafroth-Palmer Resolution in 
the Sixty-fourth Congress." This meant, of course, that 
there would in the future be no division of the energies of 
the Suffrage forces of the country; that all would work 
for the Susan B. Anthony Amendment. 



The second event of 1916 of less importance nationally, 
but of great practical importance to the Congressional 
Union, was the removal of Headquarters from the dark, con- 
gested rooms in F Street to Cameron HouSe, sometimes 
known as the Little White House. Cameron House has held, 
ever since its construction, a vivid place in Washington his- 
tory. It has been occupied by Senator Donald Cameron; 
Vice-President Garret A. Hobart; Senator Mark Hanna. 
The famous breakfasts given by Senator Hanna, to which 
President McKinley often came, occurred here. Presidents, 
such as John Quincy Adams, Harrison, Taylor, and Fillmore ; 
statesmen, such as Webster, Clay, Cass, and Calhoun; his- 
torians, such as Prescott, Bancroft, and Washington Irving, 
have frequented it. The Little White House is situated at 
21 Madison Place, just across Lafayette Square from the 
big White House. From the windows of the big White 
House could be seen great banners of purple, white, 
and gold, waving at the windows of the Little White 

Cameron House was charming inside and out. Outside, 
a great wistaria vine made in the spring a marvel of its 
fafade, and inside a combination of fine proportions and a 
charming architectural arrangement of the rooms gave it 
that gemUtlich atmosphere necessary to a rallying spot. 
When you entered, you came into a great hall, from which 
a noble staircase made an effective exit, and in which a huge 
fireplace formed a focussing center. All winter long, a fire 
was going in that fireplace ; there were easy chairs in front 
of it, and straying off from it. The Little White House 



became a place where people dropped in easily. This big 
reception hall always held a gay, interesting, and interested 
group, composed of Party members resident there; sym- 
pathizers and workers who lived in Washington ; people from 
all over the United States who had come to Washington on 
a holiday. The organizers were always returning from the 
four corners of the country with a harvest of news and ideas 
and plans before starting off for new fields. 

Perhaps there is no better place than here to speak of the 
work of those remarkable young women — ^the organizers. It 
will be remembered that from the time of the formation of 
the Congressional Committee to the time when the Senate 
passed the Anthony Amendment was about six years and a 
half. Yet in 1919, Maud Younger said to me, " There have 
been three generations of organizers in this movement." 
That was true. Not that they served their average of two 
years and left. Most of them who came to work for the 
Party stayed with it. It was only that, as the work grew, 
developed, expanded, more organizers and even more became 
necessary. And perhaps it is one of the chief glories of the 
Woman's Party that these organizers came to them younger 
and younger, until at the end they were fresh, beautiful 
girls in their teens and early twenties. 

The first group consisted of: 

Mabel Vernon; Elsie Hill; Margaret Whittemore; Doris 
Stevens; Mrs. Sinclair Thompson; Virginia Arnold. 

The second group consisted of: 

Iris Calderhead; Vivian Pierce; Beulah Amidon; Lucy 
Branham ; Hazel Hunkins ; Clara Louise Rowe ; Joy Young ; 
Margery Ross; Mary Gertrude Fendall; Pauline Clarke; 
Alice Henkel; Rebecca Hourwich. 

The third group consisted of : 

Julia Emory; Betty Gram; Anita Pollitzer; Mary Du- 
brow; Catherine Flanagan. 

The difficulties which lay in the path of the organizers 
cannot possibly be exaggerated : the work they accomplished 
cannot possibly be estimated. Their story is one of those 


sealed chapters in the history of feminism, the whole of 
which will never be known. With her usual astuteness Alice 
Paul always chose young, fresh, convinced, inspiring, and 
inspired spirits. Always she preferred enthusiasm to expe- 
rience. Before an organizer left Headquarters for parts 
unknown, Alice Paul talked with her for several hours, going 
over her route, indicating the problems which would arise 
and — in her characteristic and indescribable Alice Paul way 
— suggesting how they were to be met ; holding always above 
these details the shining object of the journey; managing 
somehow to fill her with the feeling that in spite of many 
obstacles, she would conquer all these new worlds. " No 
matter," she always concluded, " what other Suffragists may 
say about us, pay no attention to it ; go on with your work. 
Our fight is not against women." 

Sometimes these girls would come into towns where there 
not only existed no Suffrage organization but there had 
never been a Suffrage meeting. Sometimes they would have 
a list of names of people to whom to go for help; some- 
times not that. At any rate they went to the best hotel and 
established themselves there. Then they found Head- 
quarters, preferably in the hotel lobby ; but if not there, in 
a shop window. Next they saw the newspapers. Inevitably 
it seemed — ^Alice Paul's sure instinct never failed her here 
— they were incipient newspaper women. From the moment 
they arrived, blazing their purple, white, and gold, the 
papers rang with them, and that ringing continued until 
they left. They called on the women whose names had been 
given them, asked them to serve on a committee in order 
to arrange a meeting. At that meeting, to which National 
Headquarters would send a well-known speaker, the work 
would be explained, the aims of the Woman's Party set 
forth, its history reviewed. When the organizer left that 
town, she left an organization of some sort behind her. Alice 
Paul always preferred, rather than a large, inactive mem- 
bership, a few active women who, when needed, could bring 
pressure to bear from their State on Washington. 


In the course of its history, the Woman's Party has 
organized at some time in every State of the Union. 

Whenever the organizers came hack to Washington, Miss 
Paul always sent them to the Capitol to lobby for a while. 
This put them in touch with the Congressional situation. 
Moreover, Congressmen were always glad to talk with 
women who brought them concrete information in regard 
to the country at large, and particularly in regard to 
the Suffrage sentiment and the political situation in their 
own States, which they had often not seen for months. On 
the other- hand, when the organizers embarked on their next 
journey, editors of small towns were always very grateful for 
the chance of talking with these informed young persons, 
who could bring their news straight from the national 

But one of the great secrets of Alice Paul's success was 
that she freshened her old forces all the time, by giving 
them new work, brought new forces to bear all the time on 
the old work. If organizers showed the first symptoms of 
growing stale on one beat, she transferred them to another. 
Most of them performed at some time during their connec- 
tion with the Woman's Party every phase of its work. 
Perpetual change . . . perpetual movement . . . the 
onward rush of an exhilarating flood . . . that was the 
feeling the Woman's Party gave the onlooker. 

I reiterate that it would be impossible to do justice, short 
of a book devoted entirely to their efforts, to these or- 
ganizers. They turn up everywhere. They do everything! 
They know not fatigue ! There is no end to their ingenuity 
and enthusiasm. 

In spite of all this intensive thinking, and its result in 
action, the Congressional Union had its lighter moments, and 
many of them. 

On Valentine's Day, 1916, a thousand Suffrage valentines 
were despatched to Senators and Representatives by mem- 
bers of the Congressional Union living in their districts ; the 
President and VicerPresident were not forgotten. They were 


of all kinds and descriptions. Recalcitrant politicians were 
especially favored. The Rules Committee, for instance, 
were showered. One of Mr. Henry's valentines took the 
form of an acrostic: • 

H is for Hurry — 

Which Henry should do. 

E is for Every — 

Which includes women too, 

N is for Now — 
The moment to act. 

R is for Rules — 

Which must bend to the fact. 

Y is for You — 

With statesmanlike tact. 

Mr. Pou's valentine showed an exquisitely ruffled little 
maiden, with Jieel-less, cross-gartered slippers and a flower- 
trimmed hat, curtseying to a stocked and ruffled gentleman 
who is presenting her with a bouquet. Underneath it says : 

The rose is red. 
The violet's blue. 
But VOTES are better 
Mr. Pou. 

One to Representative Williams of the Judiciary Com- 
mittee ran: 

Ok, will you will us well. Will, 
As we will will by you. 
If you'll only will to help us 
Put the Amendment through! 

Representative Webb's valentine bore the words, " From 
a fond heart to a Democratic (?) Congressman," with the 
following verse: 


Federal aid he votes for rural /highways. 
And Federal aid for pork ea^h to his need; 
And Federal aid for rivers, trees, and harbors. 
But Federal aid for women? — No, indeed! 

Representative Fitzgerald received: _ 

Your Party's health is very shaky, 
The Western women say. 
They scorn a laggard lover 
And will not tell him " Yea," 
B!ut pass the Suffrage measure. 
Then watch Election Day ! 

Congressman Mondell's valentine was a red heart, on which 
was written: 

Oh, a young Lochinvar has come out of the West, 
Of all the great measures his bill was the best ! 
So fearless in caucus, so brave on the floor 
There ne'er was a leader like young Lochinvar! 

On May Day, the Woman's Party hung a May basket 
for the President. It was over-brimming with purple, white, 
and gold flowers, and, concealed in their midst, was a plea 
for the Susan B. Anthony Amendment. 

Later, in May, on Representative Williams's birthday, he 
was invited by Representative Kent to go with him into the 
visitors' lobby. There he met Gertrude and Ruth Crocker 
of the Congressional Union, who were carrying on a tray, 
made of the Congressional Union banner and the American 
flag, a huge birthday cake. It was frosted and set with 
fifty-nine candles, each emerging from a small, yellow rose 
and bore an inscription in purple letters : 

May the coming year bring yon joy and the Susan B. Anthony 

A few days later, when Representative Steele reached his 
office, he found on his desk a purple basket filled with forget- 
me-nots. The card bore this inscription : 


" Forget me not " is the message 
I bring in my gladsome blue; 
Forget not the fifty-six years that have gone 
And the work there is still to do; 
Forget not the Suffrage Amendment •■ 

That waits in committee for you. 

The first National Convention of the Congressional Union 
was held at Cameron House from December G to December 
13, 1915. The following ten members were elected for the 
Executive Committee: Alice Paul; Lucy Bums; Mrs. 
O. H. P. Belmont; Mrs. John Winters Brannan; Mrs. 
Gilson Gardner; Mrs. William Kent; Mrs. Lawrence, Lewis; 
Elsie Hill; Anne Martin; Mrs. Donald R. Hooker. 




(" Why do you come here and bother us ? " — Chairman Webb, 
at the Suffrage hearing in Washington.) 

Girls, girls, the worst has happened; 

Our cause is at its ebb. 
How could you go and do it! 

You've bothered Mr. Webb! 
You came and asked for freedom, 

(As law does not forbid) 
Not thinking it might bother him, 

And yet, it seems, it did. 

Oh, can it be, my sisters, 

My sisters can it be. 
You did not think of Mr. Webb 

When asking to be free? 
You did not put his comfort 

Before your cause.'' How strange! 
But now you know the way he feels 

I hope we'll have a change. 

Send word to far Australia 

And let New Zealand know. 
And Oregon and Sweden, 

Finland and Idaho; 
Make all the nations grasp it. 

From Sitka to El Teb, 
We never mention Suffrage now; 

It bothers Mr. Webb! 

Alice Duer Miller. 



(" I am opposed to Woman Suffrage, but I am not opposed to 
woman." — Anti-Suffrage speech of Mr. Webb of North Carolina.) 

Oh, women, have you heard the news 

Of charity and grace? 
Look, look, how joy and gratitude 

Are beaming in my face ! 
For Mr. Webb is not opposed 

To woman in her place ! 

Oh, Mr. Webb, how kind you are 

To let us live at all. 
To let us light the kitchen range 

And tidy up the hall; 
To tolerate the female sex 

In spite of Adam's fall. 

Oh, girls, suppose that Mr. Webb 

Should alter his decree! 
Suppose he were opposed to us — 

Opposed to you and me. 
What would be left for us to do — 

Except to cease to be? 

Alice Duer Miller. 

DuBiNG 1916, the central department of the Congressional 
Union — the legislative — was in the hands of Anne Martin 
who after her notable success in making Nevada a free State 
and with the added advantage of being a voter herself, was 
particularly fitted for this work. Anne Martin showed ex- 
traordinary ability in building back-fires in Congressional 
Districts, in keeping State and district chairmen informed 
of the actions of the representatives, in getting pressure 
from home upon them and in organizing the lobbying. Maud 
Younger, as chairman of the Lobby Committee, composed 
of women voters, assisted her. Lucy Bprns edited the 
The friends of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment were 


surprised — and of course delighted — ^when through the tire- 
less efforts of Anne Martin — the Suffrage Bill came out of 
committee and onto the calendar of the Senate on Janu- 
ary 8. In the House at first, the situation seemed equally 
encouraging. But unexpected obstacles manifested them- 
selves; continued to multiply and grow. Presently there 
developed between the Judiciary Committee and the Suf- 
fragists a contest similar to that of 1914! between the Rules 
Committee and the Suffragists, but more intense. 

The Judiciary Committee as usual referred the Amend- 
ment to a sub-committee. Anne Martin lobbied the members 
of the sub-committee and in consequence of this pressure, 
the sub-committee on February 9, voted the report out — 
although without recommendation, to the full committee 
which would meet on February 15. 

At this meeting, by a vote of nine to seven, the Judiciary 
Committee referred the Suffrage Resolution back to the sub- 
committee with instructions to hold it until December 14 — 
nearly a year off. This was an unusual thing to do. After 
a sub-committee has reported a measure to the committee, 
it is customary to allow at least a week to elapse before it 
is acted upon, so that the members who are absent may be 
present when the committee, as a whole, votes upon it. There 
is a gentleman's agreement to this effect. 

In her Revelations of a Woman Lobbyist, in McCcUVs 
Magazine, Maud Younger thus describes the meeting of 
February 16: 

The day ended as discouragingly as it had begun and I re- 
ported the situation to Mr. John Nelson, of Wisconsin, the only 
man on the committee who showed genuine enthusiasm. 

"Your Amendment can't come up tomorrow," he assured me. 
" There's a gentleman's agreement that no action shall be taken 
on a bill for a week after the sub-committee reports it out. The 
matter lies over so that the members may he notified to be 
present. Your Amendment will come up next week." 

Relying on this reprieve, I felt no apprehension when Anne 
and I went to the Capitol next morning. Standing in the ante- 
room of the Judiciary Committee's chamber, we watched the 


members passing througb. Tbe committee went into executive 
session and tbe door closed. 
> " There's the gentleman's agreement," I said to Anne. 
" Nothing can happen." 

" No," she answered meditatively. 

We waited. An hour passed and Mr. Carlin came out. He 
walked close to Anne and said with a laugh as he passed her, 
" Well, we've killed Cock Robin." 

"Cock Robin?" said Anne, puzzled, looking after him. 

Mr. Nelson came out, much perturbed, and explained. Upon 
motion of Mr. Carlin the Judiciary Committee had voted to send 
the Amendment back to the sub-committee to remain until the 
following December. 

This was in direct violation of the gentleman's agreement but 
our opponents had the votes, nine to seven, and they used them. 
Our Amendment was killed. Every one on the committee said 
so. Every one in Congress with whom we talked said so. The 
newspaper men said so. Soon every one believed it but Alice 
Paul, and she never believed it at all. 

" That's absurd ! " she said impatiently. " We have only to 
make them reconsider." 

At once she went over the list of our opponents to decide who 
should make the move. "Why, William Elza Williams, of 
Illinois, of course. He will do it." She sent me to see him. 

Mr. Williams was necessary not only for purposes of recon- 
sideration, but because, when he had changed his vote, we would 
have a majority in committee. But he did not see the matter at 
all in the same light in which Miss Paul saw it. He had not the 
least intention of changing his vote. I pointed out that the 
women of Illinois, being half voters, had some claims to repre- 
sentation, but he remained obdurate. 

When this was reported to Miss Paul she merely said, " Mr. 
Williams will have to change his vote. Elsie Hill can attend 
to it." 

So Elsie, buoyant with good spirits, good health, and tireless 
enthusiasm, pinned her smart hat on her reddish-brown hair and 
set out through Illinois for Mr. Williams's vote. 

Presently the ripples of Elsie's passing across the Illinois 
prairies began to break upon the peaceful desk of Mr. Williams 
in Washington. I found him running a worried hand through 
his hair, gazing at newspaper clippings about Mr. Williams and 
his vote on the Judiciary Committee. Resolutions arrived from 
Labor Unions asking him to reconsider; letters from constituents, 
telegrams, reports of meetings, editorials. 


On March 8, a deputation of twenty members of the Con- 
gressional Union, led by Maud Younger, called on Repre- 
sentative Williams. I quote the Suffragist: 

Mr. Williams received the women with cordiality and Miss 
Younger at once laid before him tfie object of the visit. 

" Op the fifteenth of February," said Miss Younger, " the sub- 
committee reported out the Suffrage Amendment. We are told 
that there is a gentleman's agreement to the effect that when a 
sub-committee reports, no action shall be taken that day but 
the matter shall lie over for a week. Four of our supporters 
were absent on the day of the report and the. opposition sent the 
Amendment back to sub-committee. There were nine votes cast 
in favor of sending it back, and seven against. We feel that it 
was you who cast the deciding vote, for if you had voted with 
supporters of Suffrage, the vote would have been a tie, and the 
Amendment would not now be in sub-committee. 

You told me that you were in favor of having this matter 
remain in committee until December, because you felt it would 
be embarrassing to some men who would run for o£Bce next fall. 
As a trades-unionist, as well as a woman voter, I feel that the 
eight million working women of this country are entitled to as 
much consideration as are a few politicians." 

Miss Younger then introduced Mrs. Lowell Mellett, of Seattle, 
Washington; Mrs. William Kent, of California; Mrs. GUson 
Gardner, Mrs. Charles Edward Russell, of Illinois; Anne 
Martin, of Nevada; each of whom made an appeal to Mr. 
Williams to give his support to a report from the Judiciary 
Committee during the present session. 

Miss Martin said: 

You are in what seems to us a very undesirable position. You 
are a Representative from a Suffrage State, from a State where 
women have the right to vote for President. You are a pro- 
fessed Suffragist, yet you are the only member of that committee 
who is a Suffragist and who is in the position of having voted 
with the professed anti-Suffragists against a hearing. . . . We 
urge you to do everything in your power to reconsider the 
smothering of this resolution, and bring up the question in com- 
mittee again as soon as possible, to report it to the House and 
then to leave to the Rules Committee the question of what time 
it shall have for discussion in this session. We urge this most 


Mr. Williams replied: 

I am pleased to hear from you ladies and to know fully your 
side of this case. 

If I remember correctly the conversation you refer to in which 
I spoke of some embarrassment — not to myself, but to some of 
my colleagues — I think I stated the condition of the calendar 
and the business of this session. I have not double-crossed any- 
body. I have not taken any sudden change of front. I have 
told every representative of the Suffrage organization who has 
visited me that I do not favor a report at this first session of 
the Sixty-fourth Congress. I gave, as my primary reason, the 
crowded condition of the business of this Congress. I inciden- 
tally — sometimes in a good-natured way, as I remember — stated 
that it did not embarrass me to vote on the question because I 
was already on record, but it might embarrass some of my col- 
leagues. My real views have been that Congress has duties in 
this, a campaign year, when all members hope to leave ,at a 
reasonable time within which to make their campaign; that this 
session is not a good time to take upon ourselves the considera- 
tion of any unimportant question that can be disposed of just 
as well at the next session. 

With a campaign approaching and two national conventions 
in June, I do not believe it wise for your cause to crowd this 
matter on now. I do not believe that it would get that consid- 
eration that you will get after the election and after these neces- 
sary matters — ^matters of importance and urgent necessity — ^are 
disposed of. 

I am opposed to smothering anything in committee. I do not 
propose to smother this in committee. I intend, when I think 
it is the proper time, to vote the Susan B. Anthony Amendment 
out and vote for it in the House. Now that is my intention. 
I have not said that I would not do so at this session. I think 
the strongest that I have put it is that I would not do so unless 
the work of the session is cleared away so that we can get to it. 

Now I have said more than that. At any time that you get a 
full attendance of the committee, or those absent represented 
by pairs so that both sides are represented, and no advantage 
can be taken and no criticism made of what takes place, when- 
ever there is what is equivalent to a full committee present, I 
am willing that the committee shall again vote on the question 
and determine whether they want it out now. 

Miss Younger: Before the conventions will meet in June, Con- 
gress will have been in session six months, and we ask you for 
only one day out of the six months. Some of those other ques- 


tions, such as preparedness, are not ready to come before Con- 

Mr. Williams : You would not be satisfied with one day. 

Miss Martin: That is all we had last time and we were 

Mrs. Russell: Whatever action Congress takes or does not take 
on preparedness, we women wiU. have to stand for it. Any 
program tha,t Congress puts through we shall be involved in. 
Isn't that jiist one more reason why we ought to have a vote 
promptly ? 

Mr. Williams: Yes, but you cannot get it in time for the 
emergency that is now before us. I believe this: If women had 
full political rights everywhere there would not be any war. 
But that cannot be brought about in time for this emergency. 

" We cannot conceive," said one member of the delegation at 
this juncture, " of any situation which will not permit of three- 
quarters of an hour being taken on the floor of the House 
for a vote." 

Mr. Williams: We have no right to refuse to submit it. I 
would not smother it in committee at all, but I believe the com- 
mittee has a right to exercise their discretion as to when it shall 
be submitted. . . . How do you take my suggestion? I am 
willing that a vote may be had at any time if there is the 
equivalent of a full attendance of the committee. Can that be 
secured ? 

Miss Martin: I have been working with this committee for 
nearly three months, and I do not know of any session at which 
they have all been present. You impose upon us now a condition 
that you did not exact when this Amendment was smothered. 

I think that we must regard a motion to postpone until after 
election as an action unfriendly to Suffrage. 

Mr. Williams: It may be. I do not see how it can be. 

" Last year," a member of the delegation then reminded Mr. 
Williams, "the Amendment was postponed and voted on im- 
mediately after the elections were safely over. The plan now 
is to postpone it until after the elections to the Sixty-fifth Con- 
gress are over and no one's election will be jeopardized. We 
do not like to have the vote taken in each Congress inunediately 
after election." 

Miss Martin: We are not saying anything with reference to 
a vote on the floor of the House at this time. We are simply 
asking that the Judiciary Committee perform its function and 
judge the bill on its merits and make its report to the House. 
Does not that appeal to you? 


Mr. Williams: Yes, it does. I am told I am the only member 
of the committee who voted to postpone the Amendment, who 
is a Representative from a Suffrage State. Somehow or other 
you have put the burden on me. 

Miss Martin: You are. The burden is on you. 

Miss Younger: If we could prove to you that with your vote 
we would have a majority of the committee, would you be willing 
to vote to report it out to the House. 

Mr. Williams: There would be ten besides myself favorable 
to reporting it out? Yes, if you have the ten. 

Miss Martin: I have them right here. You are the eleventh. 
We have those ten votes. 

Mr. Williams: Well, I hope you have. May I ask you just 
to read them? 

Miss Martin: These are the ten who are for reporting the 
Amendment: Representatives Thomas, of Kentucky; Taggart, oi 
Kansas ; Dale of New York ; Neely, of West Virginia ; Volstead, 
of Minnesota; Nelson, of Wisconsin; Morgan, of Oklahoma; 
Chandler, of New York; Dyer, of Missouri, and Moss, of West 
Virginia. That makes ten. 

Mr. Williams: And Mr. Williams will make eleven. When 
will it be possible to get them all together? 

Miss Martin: We were hoping to do that by tomorrow. Mr. 
Dale was here but he has been called back to New York. Mr. 
Moss has been seriously ill but has promised to attend the 
meeting tomorrow. I will read the names of the men who are 
against a report. They are all anti-Suffragists and you are 
classified with them: Representatives Webb, of North Carolina; 
Carlin, of Virginia ; Walker, of Georgia ; Gard, of Ohio ; Whaley, 
of South Carolina; Caraway, of Arkansas; Igoe, of Missouri; 
Steele, of Pennsylvania, and, until now, yourself. 

Mr. Williams: If a majority of the committee want to recon- 
sider it I will vote in favor of it. 

Miss Martin: What would you do if we could only get ten 
Suffrage members present tomorrow and they were a majority 
of those present? 

Mr. Williams : Let us not make any further agreement. I have 
agreed to your former proposition and I will stand by my word. 

Miss Martin: We are sure you will. 

After the deputation had left his office Mr. Williams 
promised Miss Younger and Miss Martin that, whenever the 
requisite number of friends of Suffrage were present at a 


meeting of the Judiciary Committee/ he himself would move 
a reconsideration of the question. 

Again I quote Miss Younger's, Revelations of a Woman 
Lobbyist : 

We now had a majority of one on the committee. We had only 
to get the majority together. It seemed a simple thing to do, 
but it wasn't. 

The number of things that could take a Congressman out of 
town on Tuesday and Thursday mornings, the number of minor 
ailments that could develop on those days was appalling. It 
seemed that every time a Congressman faced something he did 
not want to do, he had a headache. 

Monday after Monday, Wednesday after Wednesday, we went 
from office to office, inquiring solicitously about each man's health. 
Was he quite well? Did he have a headache or any symptoms 
of internal disorders.^ Was his wife in good health.? His 
children? Could any business affairs arise to take him out of 
town next day? . . . 

The weeks went by and we were not able to get our majority, 

" You think you're going to bring that question up again," 
said Mr. Webb, the chairman. " No power on earth will do it. 
It's locked up in sub-committee till next December, and it's 
going to stay there." 

This was repeated to Miss Paul. " Nonsense ! " she said. 
" Of course it will be brought up." 

But why should all this petty bickering, this endless struggling 
with absurdities be necessary in order to get before Congress 
a measure dealing with a question of public good? No man 
would run his private business that way. Yet that is the way 
public business is done. 

Finally after weeks of working and watchful waiting I re- 
ported to Anne on Wednesday that a majority of our members 
were in town and well. We were jubilant. Early next morning 
we were before the doors of the Judiciary Committee to see them 
file in. They arrived one by one, solemn, nervously hurrying by, 
or smiling in an amused or friendly way. Mr. Hunter Moss, 
our staunch friend, appeared. Mr. Moss was dying of cancer. 
Though often too ill to leave his bed, he asked his secretary to 
notify him whenever Suffrage was to come up so that he might 
fight for it. Mr. Moss was our tenth man. We recoimted them 
anxiously. Ten supporters, ten opponents — ^where was Mr. 
Dale of New York? I flew downstairs to his office — I don't 


know who went with me but I have a faint memory of red hair 
— and there he was in his shirt sleeves cahnly looking over his 

" Hurry ! " we cried. " The committee is ready to meet. 
Every one's there except you ! " 

He reached for his coat but we exclaimed, "Put it on in the 
hall ! " and hurrying him out between us we raced down the 
corridor, helping him with the coat as we ran, then into the 
elevator and up to the third floor and to the committee room. 
We deposited him in one vacant seat. Our majority was com- 
plete ! 

As we stood oflf and looked at our eleven men sitting there 
together, gathered with so much effort and trial, no artist was 
ever prouder of a masterpiece than we. We stood entranced sur- 
veying them until Mr. Webb sternly announced that the com- 
mittee would go into executive session which meant that we 
must go. 

In the anteroom other Suffragists gathered, also the news- 
paper men. Every one said that in a few moments the Amend- 
ment would be reported out. But the minutes ran into hours. 
'Our suspense grew. Each time those closed doors opened and 
a member came out we asked for news. There was none. 
"Carlin's got the floor." 

The morning dragged past. Twelve o'clock came. Twelve- 
thirty. One o'clock. The doors opened. We clustered around 
our supporters and eagerly asked the news. 

Well, Carlin got the floor and kept it. He took up the time. 
It got late and the members were hungry and wanted to go to 
luncheon, and there would have been a lot of wrangling over 
the Amendment. So they adopted Carlin's motion to make Suf- 
frage the special order of business two weeks from today. 

" It's all right," our friends consoled us. " Only two weeks' 

But why two weeks.'' And why had Mr. Carlin, our avowed 
and bitter enemy, himself made the motion to reconsider, tacking 
to it the two weeks' delay, unless something disastrous was 

Now began a care and watchfulness over our eleven, in com- 
parison to which all our previous watchfulness and care was as 
nothing. Not only did we know each man's mind minutely from 
day to day, but we had their constituents on guard at home. 

Washington's mail increased. One man said, " I wish you'd 
ask those Pennsylvania ladies to stop writing me ! " Mr. Morgan 
said, " My secretary has been busy all day long answering letters 


from Suffragists. Why do you do it? You know I'm for it." 
Mr. Neely, at a desk covered with mail, broke forth in wrath, 
eyes blazing, " Why do you have all those letters written to me 
as though you doubted my stand? I'm as unchangeable as the 
Medes and Persians ! " 

On the 27th of March, the day before the vote, telegrams 
poured in. We stumbled over messenger boys at every turn in 
the House o£Sce building. Late that afternoon as Anne and I 
went into Mr. Taggart's office we. passed a postman with a great 
bundle of special-delivery letters. 

Mr. Taggart was last on the list. Every one else was pledged 
to be at the meeting next day. 

" Yes, I'll be there," said Mr. Taggart slowly and ominously. 
" But I'll be a little late." 

" Late! " We jumped from our seats. " Why, it's the special 
order for ten-thirty ! " 

Well, I may not be very late. I've got an appointment with 
the Persian Ambassador — Haroun al Baschid," said he, and 
looked at each of us defiantly. 

We pleaded, but in vain. Without Mr. Taggart we had not 
a majority. What could we do? We discussed it while we 
walked home in the crisp afternoon air. There was no Persian 
ambassador in America, but a charge d'affaire, and his name was 
not Haroun al Raschid, but Ali Kuli Kahn. We smiled at Mr. 
Taggart's transparency, but we were alarmed. Our Amendment 
hung on Mr. Taggart's presence. 

Suppose after all he did intend to consult Persia on some 
matter of moment to Kansas ? To leave no loop-hole unguarded, 
Mary Gertrude Fendall next morning at nine o'clock took a taxi 
to the Persian legation and left it on the corner. At ten o'clock 
she was to ring the bell, ask for Mr. Taggart, drive him in 
haste to the Capitol and deposit him in the midst of our ma- 
jority. As she walked up and down, however, the problem 
became acute, for how could she get him out of the legation 
when he did not go in? At last, ringing the bell, seeing one 
attache and then another, she became convinced that nothing was 
known of the Kansas Congressman in the Persian legation, so 
she telephoned us at the Capitol. ^ 

This confirmed our fears. Every one else was present; Mr. 
Taggart was not in his office; no one knew where he was. Ten- 
thirty came ; ten forty-five. There was nothing of the vanquished 
in the faces of our opponents. Mr. Carlin grinned affably at 
all of us, and the grin chilled us. We looked anxiously from 
one to another as the meeting began. Ten supporters — ten op- 


ponents. Mr. Taggart, wherever he was, had our majority. The 
minutes dragged. Our friends prolonged the preliminaries. A 
stranger near me pulled out his watch. I leaned over and asked 
the time. " Five minutes to eleven." And just at that moment, 
looking up, I saw Mr. Taggart in the doorway— Mr. Taggart, 
very much of a self-satisfied, naughty little boy, smiling tri- 
umphantly. That did not matter. Our majority was complete. 

The committee went into executive session, and we moved to 
the anteroom. " A few minutes and you'll have your Amendment 
reported out," said the newspaper men. " It's all over but the 
shouting." The situation was ours. Suffrage was the special 
order; nothing could be considered before it, and we had a ma- 
jority. As the moments passed we repeated this, trying to keep 
up our courage. For time lengthened out. We eyed the door 
anxiously, starting up when it opened. We caught glimpses of 
the room. The members were not sitting at their places, they 
were on their feet, shaking their fists. 

" They're like wild animals," said one member who came out. 

" But what's happening? " There was no answer. The door 
closed again. , 

Slowly we learned the incredible fact. When the door had 
shut upon us, Mr. Carlin immediately moved that all constitu- 
tional amendments be indefinitely postponed. \ 

Now there were many constitutional amendments before that 
committee, covering many subjects; marriage, divorce, election 
of judges, a national anthem, prohibition. Mr. Carlin, to defeat 
us, had thrown them all into one heap. A man could not vote 
to postpone one without voting to postpone them all. He could 
not vote against one without voting against them all. Were 
these men actually adult human beings, legislating for a great 
nation, for the welfare of a hundred million people? 

The motion threw the committee into an uproar. Our friends 
protested that it could not be considered; Suffrage was the spe- 
cial order of the day. Mr. Moss moved that the Suffrage Amend- 
ment be reported out. The chairman ruled this out of order. 
Now there was a majority in that committee for Suffrage and a 
majority for prohibition, but they were not the same majority. 
One of the strongest Suffragists represented St. Louis with its 
large breweries. If he voted against postponing the Prohibition 
Amendment he could never again be re-elected from St. Louis. 
Yet he could not vote to postpone it without postponing Suffrage 

Through the closed' door came the sound of loud, furious 
voices. We caught glimpses of wildly gesticulating arms, fists in 


air, contorted faces. One o'clock approached. Mr. Moss came 
out and crossed quickly to the elevator. We hurried after him. 

" Indefinitely postponed," he said indignantly, not wanting to 
talk about it. 

"But our majority?" 

" We lost one." 


" I cannot tell." He stepped into the elevator. The other 
men came trooping out. Our defeat was irrevocable, they all 
said. Nothing could be done until the following December. 

" You see," said Mr. Taggart, looking very jubilant for a 
just-defeated Suffragist, " You women can all go home now. You 
needn't have cpme at all this session. But of course you women 
don't know anything about politics. We told you not to bring 
up Suffrage before election. Next December, after election, we 
may do something for you." 

Our opponents, secure in victory, grew more friendly; but as 
they warmed, our supporters became colder. Mr. Chandler flatly 
refused to stay with us. 

" I've voted for your Amendment twice," he said, " and I 
won't vote for it again this session. That's final." 

I also heard rumors of Mr. Neely's refusing to vote for it, 
so I caught him in a corridor and hurried beside him, talking 
as I walked. 

" That true," he said. " I won't vote for it again this session. 
It's no use talking. I am as unchangeable as the Medes and 

" But that's just what you said when you were receiving so 
many letters that you thought we doubted you ! You said noth- 
ing could " 

" I've got some bills of my own to get out of this committee," 
said he, waving aside the Medes and Persians. " I won't get 
them out if you keep bringing up this Suffrage. Good day." 

In commenting upon the action of the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, Miss Alice Paul said: 

The action of the Democratic leaders at Washington in again 
blocking the Suffrage Amendment by postponing indefinitely its 
consideration in the Judiciary Committee is' an additional spur 
to Suffragists to press forward with their plan of going out 
through the Suffrage States to tell the women voters — ^particu- 
larly those who are supporting the Democratic Party — of the 
opposition which the Party is giving to the Federal Amendment 
at Washington. 


We have now labored nearly a third of a year to persuade the 
Democratic leaders in Congress to allow the Amendment to be 
brought before the members of the House for their consideration. 
The rebuff in the committee today shows the necessity of not 
delaying longer in acquainting the four million voting women 
with what is going on in Congress. 

Many months still remain, in all probability, before Congress 
adjourns. We will do our utmost in these months to create such 
a powerful party of voting women in the West as to make it 
impossible for the Democratic leaders at Washington longer to 
continue their course of refusing to let this measure come before 
the House for even the few minutes necessary for discussion and 
a vote. 

Miss Younger says further: 

The following Tuesday found me as usual in the Judiciary 
Committee room. When I appeared in the doorway there was 
a surprised but smiling greeting. 

" You haven't given up yet? " 

" Not until you report our Amendment." 

For the first time Mr. Webb smiled. There was surprise in his 
voice. " You women are in earnest about this." 



In the meantime the work with the President was going on. 
Mr. Wilson was about to make a speaking trip which in- 
cluded Kansas. This would be the first time since his 
inauguration that he would visit a Suffrage State. 

On January 26, 1916, Mrs. William Kent and Maud 
Younger waited on the President to ask him to receive a 
delegation of women in a forthcoming visit to New York. 
In presenting this request, Mrs. Kent sounded a note which 
was beginning to become the dominant strain in the Suffrage 
demands of the western women. 

" Women are anxious to express to you, Mr. President," 
she said, " the depth of earnestness of the demand for 
Woman Suffrage. We as western women and as citizens 
are accustomed to having a request fdr political considera- 
tion received with seriousness ; and we feel keenly the injus- 
tice of the popular rumor that such delegations are planned 
to annoy a public official. We hope that you will appreciate 
the dignity and propriety of such a representative appeal as 
the women of New York are now making." 

President Wilson said that such an assumption was en- 
tirely absent from his mind. He added that he had decided 
to make it a rule during his trip to New York and through- 
out the Middle West not to receive any delegations whatever, 
since he would " get in wrong," as he said, if he received one 
and not another; it was very possible, however, that he 
might be approached by deputations which he would be able 
to receive. 

As Mrs. Kent and Miss Younger came out from this call 
on the President, the evening papers were on the stands. 



They announced that the next day in New York the Presi- 
dent would receive fifteen hundred ministers. 

On the morning of January 27, 1916, over a hundred 
women, organized by Doris Stevens and led by Mrs. E. 
Tiffany Dyer, assembled in the East Room of the Waldorf 
Astoria Hotel. Fifteen minutes later they sent up a note 
asking for a ten-minute audience with the President, that 
New York women might lay their caje for federal action 
upon Suffrage before him. Secretary Tumulty sent back 
the following note: 

For the President, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your 
note requesting a Conference with him to discuss the 'Suffrage 
Amendment. I very much regret that the President's engage- 
ments make it impossible to arrange this matter as you have so 
generously suggested. When a representative from your com- 
mittee called at the White House the President informed her of 
the crowded condition of his calendar today. 

Joseph Tumulty. 

As this note merely said that no time had been set aside 
for a deputation of women, and did not say that it would 
be impossible to see him at all, a second note was sent, 
asking for just five minutes and offering to wait as long as 
necessary^. In the meantime, an interview between Mr. 
Tumulty and Mrs. Amos Pinchot took place. Mrs. Pinchot 
reported to the deputation that the President and his Sec- 
retary were " conferring." For two hours the women waited, 
holding a meeting. Some of the women thought it was un- 
dignified to wait since the President had stated in his note 
that an appointment had not been secured. 

" But," said Mrs. Carol Beckwith, " why quibble about 
our undignified position here in the Waldorf? Our political 
position is undignified, and that is what we should remedy." 

At a quarter past eleven, the President appeared. 

In answer to the speeches of Mrs. Dyer, Mrs. Henry 
Bruere, Mary Ritter Beard, President Wilson said : 

I ought to say, in the first place, that the apologies, I think, 
ought to come from me, because I had not understood that an 


appointment had been made. On the contrary, I supposed none 
had been made, and, therefore, had filled my morning with work, 
from which it did not seem possible to escape. 

I can easily understand the embarrassment of any one of your 
representatives in trying to make a speech in this situation. I 
feel that embarrassment very strongly myself, and I wish very 
much that I had the eloquence of some of your speakers, so that 
I could set my views forth as adequately as they set forth 

It may be, ladies, that my mind works slowly. I have always 
felt that those things were most solidly built that were built 
piece by piece, and I felt that the genius of our political develop- 
ment in this country lay in the number of our States, and in the 
very clear definition of the difference of sphere between the 
State and Federal Government. It may be that I am a little old- 
fashioned in that. 

When I last had the pleasure of receiving some ladies urging 
the Amendment that you are urging this morning, I told them 
that my mind was unchanged, but I hoped open, and that I 
would take pleasure in conferring with the leaders of my Party 
and the leaders of Congress with regard to this matter. I have 
not fulfilled that promise, and I hope you will understand why 
I havp not fulfilled it, because there seemed to be questions of 
legislation so pressing in their necessity that they ought to take 
precedence of everything else; that we could postpone funda- 
mental changes to immediate action along lines in the national 
interest. That has been my reason, and I think it is a sufiicient 
reason. The business of government is a business from day to 
day, ladies, and there are things that cannot wait. However 
great the principle involved in this instance, action must of neces- 
sity in great fundamental constitutional changes be deliberate, 
and I do not feel that I have put the less pressing in advance 
of the more pressing in the course I have taken. 

I have not forgotten the promise that I made, and I certaiidy 
shs(ll not forget the fulfillment of it, but I want to be absolutely 
frank. My own mind is still convinced that we ought to work 
this thing out State by State. I did what I could to work it 
out in my own State in New Jersey, and I am willing to act 
there whenever it comes up; but that is so far my conviction as 
to the best and solidest way to build changes of this kind, and 
I for my own part see no reason for discouragement on the part 
of the women of the country in the progress that this movement 
has been making. It may move like a glacier, but when it does 
move, its effects are permanent. 

The Suffragist's Dream. 

President Wilson : My dear young lady, you have saved my life. 
How can I thank you? 

Nina Allender in The Suffragist. 


I had not expected to have this pleasure this morning, and 
therefore am simply speaking offhand, and without consideration 
of my phrases, but I hope in entire frankness. I thank you 
sincerely for this opportunity. 

Smiling the President turned to leave the room, when Mrs. 
Beard reminded him that the Clayton Bill, with its far- 
reaching effects on the working-man, had not been gained 
State by State. 

" I do not care to enter into a discussion of that," he said 

In February, President Wilson visited Kansas in his 
"Preparedness Tour." As soon as it became known that 
he was coming to Topeka, the heads of various. Civic and 
Suffrage organizations in Kansas telegraphed him, asking for 
an interview. 

Secretary Tumulty answered by telegram that the 
crowded condition of the Topeka program would not permit 
of this arrangement. 

The Kansas women telephoned that they were sure the 
President could spare them five minutes, and they would 
await him at the State House, immediately after the party 
arranged in his honor. 

When Secretary Tumulty alighted from the President's 
car in Topeka, the inspired, swift, and executive Mabel 
Vernon met him with a note from the Kansas women asking 
the President to see them. To do this, she had had to run 
the gauntlet of a large force of police. Secret Service men 
and the National Guard. 

Mr. Tumulty said that he could give no answer at that 
time, but that later the delegation could telephone him at 
Governor Capper's house, where President and Mrs. Wilson 
were entertained. Governor Capper was a strong Suffragist. 
The women did call later, but Secretary Tumulty explained 
then that it would be impossible for the President to see 
them. After much talk, an arrangement was made that the 
delegation should come to the Governor's house at twenty 
minutes before one. The thermometer was at zero, and snow 


was falling, but the women waited before Governor Capper's 
house for an hour. Finally the President came out. The 
delegation, following the purple, white, and gold, marched 
up the steps in double file. Lila Day Monroe made a little 
speech, and handed the President the petition. The Presi- 
dent murmured: 

I appreciate this call very much. ... I appreciate it very 
much. ... I am much obliged, much obliged. . . . Pleased 
to meet you . . ."he repeated at intervals, but he gave no 
expression of opinion. 

After the deputation of women had filed by,~Ehe President 
handed the petition to one of the Secret Service men, who 
buttoned it up in his inside pocket. 


The Congressional Union was now to undertake another 
gigantic task — the formation of a new political Party. 

For this purpose, a conference of national officers, state 
officers, members of the Advisory Council of the Congressional 
Union from the unenfranchised States met at the Little 
White House April 8 and 9, 1916. Brilliant speeches were 
made by Anne Martin and Lucy Burns. Alice Paul summed 
the whole matter up in her usual convincingly incisive and 
logical way: 

This is the third time we iave called together the members 
of our Advisory Council and our state and national officers to 
lay before them a new project. The first time was at Newport 
when we proposed a campaign against all Democratic candidates 
for Congress in the Suffrage States. The second time was a 
year ago in New York when we proposed to convert the Con- 
gressional Union into a national organization with branches in 
the different States. Today we want to lay another plan before 
you for your consideration — ^that is the organization of a po- 
litical Party of women voters who can go into this next election^ 
if it is necessary to go into it^ as an independent Party. 

I think we are all agreed on certain essential points. First — 
from what source our opposition comes. We are agreed that it 
comes from the Administration. We do not have to prove that. 
Second — we are agreed as to where our power lies — that is in 
the Suffrage States. Third — we are agreed as to the political 
situation. We know that the two Parties are about equal, that 
both want to win. We know that the Suffrage States are doubt- 
ful States and that every one of those States is wanted by the 
political Parties. We know that many of the elections will be 
close. The State of Nevada was won by only forty votes in the 
last Senatorial election. In Utah it was a week before the 
campaign was decided. In Colorado, the same. Going back over 
a period of twenty years it would have been necessary to have 



changed only nine per cent of the total vote cast in the presi- 
dential elections in order to have thrown the election to the other 
Party. This gives, us a position of wonderful power, a position 
that we have never held before and that we cannot hope to hold 
again for at least four years, and which we may not hold 

We have been working for two years to effect an organisation 
in the Suffrage States and have finally completed such an organi- 
zation. Our last branch was formed about ten days ago in the 
State of Washington. We now have to demonstrate to the Ad- 
ministration, to the majority Party in Congress, that the organi- 
zation in the Suffrage States does exist and that it is a power 
to be feared. There are many months still remaining, probably, 
before Congress will adjourn. If in these months we can build 
up so strong an organization there that it really will be dan- 
gerous to oppose It, and if we can show Congress that we have 
such an organization, then we will have the matter in our 

We have sent a request to our branches in the East to select 
one or more representative women who will go out to the West 
and make a personal appeal to the women voters to stand by 
us even more loyally than they have before — to form a stronger 
organization than has ever before existed. 

Today we must consider what concrete plan we shall ask these 
envoys who go out to the West to propose to the voting women. 
I do not think it will do very much good to go through the 
voting States and simply strengthen our Suffrage organizations. 
That will not be enough to terrify the men in Congress. Suf- 
frage organizations, imfortunately, have come to stand for 
feebleness of action and supineness of spirit. What I want to 
propose is that when we go to these women voters we ask them 
to begin to organize an independent political Party that will 
be ready for the elections in November. They may not have 
to go into these elections. If they prepare diligently enough 
for the elections they won't have to go into them. The threat 
will be enough. We want to propose to you that we ask the 
women voters to come together in Chicago at the time that the 
Progressives and Republicans meet there in June, to decide 
how they will use these four million votes that women have, in 
the next election. 

Now, if women who are Republicans simply help the Repub- 
lican Party, and if women who are Democrats help the Demo- 
cratic Party, women's votes will not count for much. But if the 
political Parties see before them a group of independent women 


voters who are standing together to use their vote to promote 
Suffrage, it will make Suffrage an issue — the women voters at 
once become a group which counts; whose votes are wanted. 
The Parties will inevitably have to go to the women voters if 
the latter stand aloof and do not go to the existing political 
Parties. The political Parties will have to offer them the thing 
which will win their votes. To count in an election you do not 
hkve to be the biggest Party; you have to be simply an inde- 
pendent Party that will stand for one object and that cannot be 
diverted from that object. 

Four years ago there was launched a new Party, the Pro- 
gressive Party. It really did, I suppose, decide the last Presi- 
dential election. We can be the same determining factor in this 
coming election. And if we can make Congress realize that we 
can be the determining factor, we won't have to go into the elec- 
tion at all. 

What I would like to propose, in short, is that we go to the 
women voters and ask them to hold a convention in Chicago 
the first week in June, and that we spend these next two months 
in preparation. We could not have a better opportunity for 
preparation than this trip of the envoys through every one of 
the Suffrage States, calling the women together to meet in Chi- . 
cago, the place where the eyes of the whole country will be 
turned in June. 

We want very much to know what you think about this plan 
and whether you will help us in carrying it through. It is not 
an easy thing to launch a new Party and have it stand competi- 
tion with the Republican and Democratic Parties. If we under- 
take it, we must make it a success. We must make it worthy 
to stand beside these great Parties. That is the biggest task 
that we have ever dreamed of since we started the Congressional 

It was unanimously decided by the Conference to send 
an appeal to all members in the SuiFrage States to- meet 
in Chicago on June 6, 6, and 7, to form a Woman's 
Party. Envoys to carry this appeal to the West were 
elected. , 

Mrs. W. D. Ascough, Harriot Stanton Blatch, Abby 
Scott Baker, Lucy Burns, Agnes Campbell, Mrs. A. R. 
Colvin, Anna Constable, Edith Goode, Jane Goode, 
Florence Bayard Hilles, Julia Hurlburt, Caroline Katzen- 


stein, Winifred Mallon, Mrs. Cyrus Mead, Agnes Morey, 
Katherine Morey, Gertrude B. Newell, Mrs. Percy Read, 
Ella Riegel, Mrs. John Rogers, Mrs. Townsend Scott, 
Helen Todd, Mrs. Nelson Whittemore. 

All of these women were chosen by State groups of the 
National Woman's Party; they therefore went to the West 
as the spokesmen of the unenfranchised women of their own 
States. Ahead of them went the organizers. 

This Suffrage Special must not be confused with Hughes' 
" Golden Special," which in October — six months later — 
toured the West and with which the National Woman's 
Party had no connection. 

Five thousand people gathered in the Union Station at 
Washington to see the envoys off — what the Washington 
Times describes as a " banner-carrying, flag-waving, flower- 
laden cheering crowd." Automobiles flying the tri-color 
brought the envoys to the station. Two buglers sounded 
the assembly for the farewell. The Naval Gun Factory 
Band greeted them with the Marseillaise, and in the half- 
hour before the train's departure, it continued to play 
martial music. When it struck up Onward Christian Sol- 
diers and America, the crowd sang with them. 

The envoys made a tremendous impression in the West. 
Whenever their train arrived — purple, white, and gold deco- 
rations floating from all the windows — that arrival became 
an event and created excitement. 

" I wish you might see some of these meetings," Abby Baker 
wrote to the Suffragist of April 29, " and see the looks of 
amusement of the men as our train pulls in, gay with our Con- 
gressional Union colors. They invariably call out, ' Here come 
the Suffragettes,' but very soon they are saying, ' She's all right,' 
and ' That's straight lady,' or some such approving phrase, and 
as the train pulls out of the station, we hear, ' Bully for you ! ' • 
' Good luck ! ' and so forth." 

" At Williams, Arizona," said another letter in the same num- 
ber of the Suffragist, " there was nothing in sight but a water 
tank, a restaurant, a picture postal card shop, and yet we had 
a tremendous meeting." 


At El Tova, in the same State, they carried the message 
of the unenfranchised women of the East to the very rim of 
the canyon, a mile below sea level! 

Leaving very early in the morning, at Maricopa they 
found a group of women waiting, who said plaintively, " Oh, 
if you could only stop longer, so that we might drum up 
all the women out of the sage brush ! " 

It was not the people alone or the civic authorities who 
made this trip of the envoys so attractive. When the Suf- 
fragists came to breakfast on the road from Maricopa to 
Tucson, they found that the management of the railway had 
decorated the breakfast tables in the dining car with 
purple, white, and gold — sweet peas and yellow laburnums. 
At Tucson, Eugene. Debs came with the crowd to meet 

At a meeting in Cheyenne, Mrs. Blatch was presented with 
a framed copy of a facsimile of the Governor's signature 
attached to the act enfranchising the women of Wyoming 
when the State came into the Union. 

In San Francisco, where there was a large meeting in the 
Civic Auditorium, presided over by Gail Laughlin, Sara 
Bard Field spoke. At the close of the meeting, she asked 
if the people present who put Suffrage before Party affilia- 
tions would say, " I will." The audience arose as one man, 
and answered roundly, " I will." 

At Sacramento, California, where they were given a recep- 
tion and luncheon by the Chamber of Commerce, the annual 
fruit show was in progress and the envoys were presented 
with an immense box of raisins and two boxes of Sacrainento 
Valley cherries. 

At Seattle, the station was decorated with Congressional 
Union banners; the national colors; hanging baskets of 
flowers. A bugler called together the big crowd — including 
the Acting Mayor — ^which had gathered to welcome the 

"Ladies," Mrs. Blatch ended her speech, "we are here 
after your votes." A man's voice in the audience cried: 


" You'll get them," and when Mrs. Blatch said, " Men, we 
need yours too," the whole crowd burst into applause. 

Immediately after the address, the envoys were taken on 
a tour of the city in a pirocession of a hundred and fifty 
automobiles, all, of course, flying the purple, white, and 
gold. They attended court, where Seattle's only woman 
judge, a member of the Congressional Union, presided — 
Reah Whitehead. 

It was in Washington State that the doctrine of Suffrage 
first reached what the Suffragist described as " the height of 
its career." Lucy Burns, as the guest of Flight Lieutenant 
Maroney of the Naval Militia at Washington, flew to a 
height of fourteen hundred feet over Seattle, scattering 
leaflets as she went. When she started. Miss Bums carried 
a Congressional Union banner, but the eighty-mile-an-hour 
gale soon tore it from her hand. When last seen, it reposed 
gracefully on the roof of a large Seattle mill. At Belling 
ham occurred one of the biggest out-of-door meetings the 
envoys had had. For a solid block, the street was packed 
with people from one side to the other. 

At Spokane, they participated in an interesting and 
rather poignant event, the planting of a tree in memory of 
May Arkwright Hutton, pioneer Suffragist of Washington. 

At Helena, Montana, a huge mass-meeting was held in the 
Auditorium. A sand storm, which had greeted their arrival, 
grew worse towards night, the wind howling louder and 
louder. In the midst of Mrs. Rogers's speech the lights sud- 
denly went out. She did not even hesitate, and in the 
absolute darkness continued to urge women to stand by 
women. There was not a sound from the audience; they 
listened in perfect quiet till the end. 

In one State, the Governor declared the coming of the 
Suffrage Special a legal holiday. Everything on wheels 
turned out to meet the envoys at the train, including the 
fire engine. 

A Convention at Salt Lake City on May 11 closed the 
swing of the Suffrage Special round the circle of the twelve 


free States, and brought the Western tour to its highest 
stage of success. The envoys passed from the station under 
a great purple, white, and gold flag, through a lane of 
women, their arms full of spring blossoms, to a long line of 
waiting automobiles flying banners of purple, white, and 

The Convention passed resolutions demanding from Con- 
gress favorable action on the Suffrage Amendment in the 
present session and elected three women voters to carry these 
resolutions to Congress. 

These women accompanied the envoys to Washington. 
There they were welcomed by a luncheon in the Union Sta- 
tion. Then, in automobiles, brilliantly decbrated, they drove 
through streets lined with huge posters which said come to 
THE CAPITOL. As they approached the Capitol, two buglers, 
from the broad platforms at the top of the high, wide stair- 
way, alternately sounded a note of triumphant welcome. A 
huge chorus of women in white sang America. Through 
the aisle formed on the Capitol steps by ribbons held in the 
hands of other women in white, the envoys passed up the 
steps into the Rotunda. In the Rotunda, they grouped 
themselves into a semi-circle facing another semi-circle — 
nearly a hundred Senators and Representatives. The 
Senate had taken a recess especially to meet these 

The envoys, elected at the Salt Lake City Convention, then 
presented to the assembled Congressmen the resolutions 
passed at that Convention and speeches followed. 

While the envoys were rousing the West, the Congressional 
Union was sending deputations to great political leaders in 
the hope of getting declarations of support which would 
influence the coming National Political Conventions. To a 
deputation consisting of Mary Beard, Elizabeth Gerberding, 
Alice Carpenter, and Mrs. Evan Evans, Theodore Roosevelt, 
who had long been converted to the principle of Suffrage, 
announced himself in favor of the Federal Amendment and 
promised his active support in the campaign. This was of 


course an encouraging episode in the story of the National 

Three weeks later came the next important event in the 
history of the Congressional Union — the launching of a 
Woman's Party on July 6 at the Blackstone Theatre in 
Chicago, At this time Chicago was the center of publicity; 
the strategic point as far as the press was concerned. The 
Woman's Party Convention met before the Conventions of 
the Republicans and Democrats. The reporters, gathered 
there and waiting in idleness for these later occasions, looked 
upon the Woman's Party Convention as a gift of the gods. 

Helena Hill Weed presented a report of the Credentials 
Committee, of which she was Chairman. She said: 

This is not a delegated body. 

It is a mass convention of all members of the Congressional 
Union to form a Woman's Party, made up of enfranchised 
women of the eleven full Suffrage States, and of Illinois, where 
women may vote for President of the United States. 

There are two classes of delegates in this convention — mem- 
bers of the Union in these twelve Suffrage States, who have the 
right to speak and vote in the convention; and members of the 
Union in the thirty-six unfree States, who may speak from the 
floor, but may not vote. 

As registration is still going on, it is impossible to give a 
final vote of the number of delegates attending. Over fifteen 
hundred delegates have already registered. 

Maud Younger was temporary Chairman of the Conven- 
tion and keynote speaker. She said in part: 

A new force marches on to the political field. For the first 
time in a Presidential election women are a factor to be reck- 
oned with. Four years ago, women voted in six States — ^today in 
twelve, including Illinois. These States with their four million 
women constitute nearly one-fourth of the electoral college and 
more than one-third of the votes necessary to elect a President. 
With enough women organized in each State to hold the balance 
of power, the women's votes may determine the Presidency of 
the United States. 


The Woman's Party has no candidates and but one plank, the 
enfranchisement of the women of America through a Federal 

Anne Martin was chosen permanent Chairman of the 
Party; Phoebe A. Hearst, Judge Mary A. Bartelme, Vice- 
Chairmen; Mabel Vernon, Secretary. 

The Party platform, adopted unanimously amid cheers, 
re^ds : 

The National Woman's Party stands for the passage of the 
Amendment to the United States Constitution known as the Susan 
B. Anthony Amendment, proposing an Amendment to the Con- 
stitution of the United States extending the right of Suflfrage, 
to women: 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of 
each House concurring therein) that the following article be pro- 
posed in the legislatures of the several States as an Amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by 
three-fourths of the said legislatures, shall be valid as part of 
such Constitution, namely: 

Article 1, Section 1. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States or by any State on account of sex. 

Section 2. Congress shall have power, by appropriate legisla- 
tion, to enforce the provisions of this article. 

The National Woman's Party, convinced that the enfranchise- 
ment of women is the paramount issue, pledges itself to use its 
united vote to secure the passage of the 'Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment, irrespective of the interests of any national political 
Party, and pledges its unceasing opposition to all who oppose 
this Amendment. 

Sara Bard Field closed that first meeting with an eloquent 
invocation to the spirit of freedom, quoting from Alfred 
Wallace the words he used just, before his death: 

All my long life and investigations have shown me that there 
is one supreme force needed in the universe for growth, either 
material or spiritual, physical or mental — and that force is 


An evening session of the Woman's Party Convention, held 
also at the Blackstone Theatre, was made interesting and 
picturesque by the presence of representatives of all the 
political Parties. 

The Convention appointed women representing the 
Woman's Party, to speak at the Republican, Democratic, 
and Progressive Conventions. 

Incidental to the Convention a big " Suffrage First " 
luncheon was given in the Auditorium Hotel. So many hun- 
dreds of applicants for tickets had to be refused that finally 
tickets of admission for standing room were sold. Every 
inch of steps was occupied when the luncheon began. Re- 
markable speeches were made by Rheta Childe Dorr, the 
famous publicist, and one of the early editors of the Suf- 
fragist; by Crystal Eastman, one of the founders of the 
Congressional Union, brilliant speaker, writer, and editor; 
Inez MiDiolland Boissevain, who, before the year was out, 
was to end, with such tragic abruptness, a vivid and devoted 
life; Helen Keller, whose unexampled achievement is known 
to the whole world. 

The publicity which the Woman's Party received was ex- 
traordinary. The Convention lasted three days and the 
meetings were packed. Arthur Brisbane pointed out the 
difference between the clock-like organization of the women 
and the hap-hazard organization of the men. 

Ida M. Tarbell, describing the Woman's Party in the 
Kew York World of June 7 and 8, 191G, says: 

The new Woman's Party had permitted representation of five 
different political Parties to appear before them and briefly 
present their various claims to the Suffrage of women. " We do 
not ask you here to tell us what we can do for your Parties, but 
what your Parties can do for us," Miss Martin told the speakers 
in a tone of exultant sweetness which sent a cheer from shore to 
shore of the human sea that filled the house. . . . 

" Votes don't matter," Benson shouted at them, " nothing but 
education matters. Women, like men, don't know how to vote. 
Nevertheless, if you have nothing but ignorance you have a right 
to contribute that. As for the Socialists, we shall continue to 



vote for Suffrage^ as we always have done, if no women vote for 

Much as they gasped at Benson's defiance of their " power," 
they took it like sports, and sent him to his seat with rounds of 
cheers and long waving of their lovely banners. (They have a 
wonderful eye for color, these new politicians.) 

But when Mr. Hammond — confident and bland — assured them 
the Republican Party offered them protection from invaders, 
they jeered at him. He did not understand that they are their 
own protectors and war scares are not going to stampede them. 

Another thing that the gentlemen must have noticed — used as 
they are to the same game — and that was, that no amount of 
eloquence made the faintest scratch on the rock-ribbed determina- 
tion of the women. The one and only thing they wanted to 
know, so the women told the men after they had gone through 
their ordeals, was whether or no they proposed to support the 
Susan B. Anthony Amendment. That was the only possible 
interest they had in what the gentlemen could say. Was it, yes 
or no? 

The Republican and Progressive Conventions began in 
Chicago the day the Woman's Party Convention ended. 
The delegates elected by the women spoke before the Reso- 
lution Committee of both these Conventions. 

The hearing before the Republicans was held in the vast 
Coliseum. Representatives of the National American Woman 
Suffrage Association addressed the Committee. Anti-Suf- 
fragists followed. In closing, their last speaker said : 

" We will now leave you to the tender mercies of those 
who demand." 

The Woman's Party then took the hearing in charge. 

The hearing of the Woman's Party before the Progressive 
Convention was held at eight o'clock the same evenjng in the 
South Parlor of the Auditorium Hotel. 

Later, members of the Woman's Party went to St. Louis 
where the Democrats were holding their Convention. When 
they arrived they found there was no room in the hotel which 
could be used for Headquarters. Most of them, a little 
discouraged, went in to breakfast. While they sat at the 
table, a newspaper man approached. " Where are your 


Headquarters ? " he asked. " Here," Alice Paul answered 
instantly. After breakfast she chose a table in a conspicuous 
part of the hotel lobby ; covered it with Woman's Party lit- 
erature, hung a purple, white, and gold banner back of it. 
The hotel, seething with the activity due to the fact that 
Democratic Headquarters was there, took no notice of what 
she was doing. Nobody said anything to her. Gradually 
Alice Paul hung purple, white, and gold banners everywhere 
in that comer of the lobby. Nobody remonstrated. Per- 
haps by this time, the hotel authorities decided that her 
color scheme was decorative. At any rate, the Woman's 
Party maintained that corner as Headquarters. It was a 
conspicuous spot; everybody had to pass it to go to the 
elevator. They could not have hired a place so advan- 
tageously situated. 

Newspaper cartoonists began to introduce the new Party 
into their pictures. Alice Paul in the figure of a little deer, 
big-eyed and wistful, stood timidly among a group which 
included the elephant, the donkey and the bull moose. 

The Woman's Party found every sentiment in favor of 
Suffrage among the Democratic delegates until Secretary 
of War Baker arrived from Washington bringing the plat- 
form drawn up by Wilson. Then the atmosphere changed. 
Newspaper men, who told the Woman's Party delegates of 
the encouraging condition earlier, now said : " There is no 
chance of getting what you want." 

When later the Resolutions Committee met, representa- 
tives from the Woman's Party waited all night outside the 
door in a last effort to influence the members of the Com- 
mittee going in and out of the Committee Rooms. The entire 
platform was accepted, with very slight changes, as it had 
been originally drafted in Washington. It contained a 
recommendation that the question of Woman Suffrage be 
confined to the States. 

The Progressives endorsed National Suffrage. This was 
the first time a national political Party had ever endorsed 
the Federal Amendment ; for although the Progressives, the 


Socialists, and the Prohibitionists had endorsed the principle 
of Suffrage in 1912, they had apparently never heard of the 
principle of Federal Suffrage. The platforms of the other 
two Parties were unsatisfactory as far as the Federal Amend- 
ment was concerned. 

The Republican Suffrage plank was : 

The Republican Party, reaffirming its faith in a government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people, as a measure of 
justice to one-half the adult population of this country, favors 
the extension of Suffrage to women, but recognizes the right of 
each State to settle this question for itself. 

The Democratic Suffrage plank ran: 

We recommend the extension of the franchise to the women of 
the country by the States upon the same terms as to men. 

These two planks also marked a great advance ; for it was 
the first time the major political Parties had ever mentioned 

Now every effort of the Woman's Party was directed to 
getting the Presidential candidates, Wilson and Hughes, to 
come out for National Suffrage. 

Alice ^Paul's campaign, conducted on Hughes, was par- 
ticularly vigorous. It was nation-wide in its extent. She 
sent telegrams all over the country asking people to urge 
this upon him. She sent numberless women to plead with 
Hughes. She sent women to Roosevelt and to other promi- 
nent Republicans and Progressives to get them to use their 
influence with Hughes. Every Republican member of Con- 
gress was lobbied to write to Hughes or to see him. 

Hughes found himself bombarded. Letters inundated him 
from all over the nation. Newspapers besieged him with 
editorials. Most important of all, Alice Paul herself went 
to him. Then it was that she presented an unanswerable 
argument which has already been quoted. 


Yotir Party consists of two factions, the old stand-pat Re- 
publicans and the Progressives. Now if you put a Suffrage 
plank in your platform, you will not alienate the Progressives, 
because the Progressives have a Suffrage plank and the old 
stand-pat Republicans will not vote for a Democrat, no matter 
what you put in your platform. 

At a great mass-meeting in Carnegie Hall, Hughes ac- 
cepted the nomination. He did not, however, satisfactorily 
mention Woman Suffrage. That evening an unknown man 
came up to the box where Alice Paul was sitting and intro- 
ducing himself as Hughes's representative, asked her what she 
thought of the program. " Utterly unsatisfactory," said 
Alice Paul ; " it did not mention Federal Suffrage." That 
night Alice Paul and other Suffragists went early to the 
public reception given to Hughes at the Hotel Astpr. They 
told every Senator, Congressman, and plain individual whom 
they knew there : " When you congratulate Mr. Hughes, tell 
him how disappointed you were that he did not mention 
Federal Suffrage." 

In a telegram sent on August 1 to Senator Sutherland 
of Utah, Hughes declared himself in favor of the Federal 
Amendment. It was the first time any Presidential candi- 
date of either of the two big political Parties had publicly 
declared the Federal Amendment a part of his policy. 

On June 19, President Wilson sent to Mrs. Carrie Chap- 
man Catt, president of the National American Woman Suf- 
frage Association, the following letter, which is a reply to a 
telegram from her asking what the Suffrage plank in the 
Democratic platform meant: 

My dear Mrs. Catt: 

I was away from the city and did not get your telegram of 
June sixteenth promptly. 

I am very glad to make my position about the Suffrage plank 
adopted by the convention clear to you, though I had not thought 
that it was necessary to state again a position I have repeatedly 
stated with entire frankness. The plank received my entire 


approval before its adoption and I shall support its principle 
with sincere pleasure. I wish to join my fellow-Democrats in 
i'ecommending to the several States that they extend the Suf- 
frage to women upbn the same ,terms as to men. 

Cordially and sincerely yours, 

WooDRow Wilson. 



On June 12, 1916, Sara Bard Field sent a telegram to 
President Wilson. Mrs. Field was a Democrat, but she was, 
first ,of all, a Suffragist. In that telegram, she urged the 
President to support the Suffrage Amendment. She prom- 
ised, if the Democratic Party would do this, that she herself 
would gladly campaign for him in the Western States with- 
out remuneration. She promised him also the services of 
at least five other influential Democratic women. The Presi- 
dent answered: 

Dear Mrs. Field: 

Your frank and kindly telegram of June 12 sent from St. 
Louis was warmly appreciated. I have been in frequent con- 
ference with my Party associates about a platform declaration 
with regard to Woman Suffrage and sincerely hope the outcome 
has been acceptable to you. 

In haste, with sincerest appreciation. 

Cordially yours, 

WooDROW Wilson. 

On June 21, President Wilson received Mrs. D. E. Hooker 
of Richmond, who came to him as a delegate from the Vir- 
ginia Federation of Labor. Mrs. Hooker placed in the 
President's hands resolutions passed by the Federation, de- 
manding favorable action on the Federal Amendment this 

" This is very strong," said President Wilson. 

The Suffragist of July 1 says: 

Mrs. Hooker then urged upon the President, very movingly, 
the humiliation, from the standpoint of a Southerner and a 
woman, of going before the entire population of men now en- 
franchised, and begging them each personally to approve of 



woman's right to full citizenship. Tears came into her eyes as 
she spoke, and the President seemed rather touched. He said 
consolingly that she must not mind the criticism she encountered 
in a good work. " Every one in the public eye," the President 
said, " is deluged with criticism. You simply must do what you 
believe to be right." 

Mrs. Hooker went on to explain the political difficulties of the 
State by State road to National Woman Suffrage. 

President Wilson seemed very little impressed by these facts. 
" Every good thing," he said, " takes a great deal of hard work." 

Mrs. Hooker made a very strong point of the indefensible 
behavior of the House Judiciary Committee in blocking the 
Suffrage Amendment and refusing to allow the representatives 
of the people an opportunity to vote upon it. " Whatever one 
may think of Woman Suffrage," she said, " tying the Amend- 
ment up this way before an election is wrong ; and the blame will 
fall squarely on the Democratic Party." 

" You must see the members of the Judiciary Committee about 
that," said, the President, with a considerable tactical skill. " I 
do not think I should interfere with the action of a Committee of 

" Have you never done it before, Mr. President ? " asked Mrs. 
Hooker. The President explained that he had done it only under 
pressure of a national emergency. 

The interview lasted about half an hour. The President's 
manner was kindly and friendly, but he made it very plain that 
he interpreted the Democratic platform pla6k to mean the limita- 
tion of the Suffrage movement to State activities, and that he was 
still opposed to the Federal Suffrage Amendment. 

Later, Mrs. Field replied to the President's letter: 

I am sorry to have to tell you that not only is the platform 
declaration not acceptable to me, and to hundreds of thousands 
of voting women of the West, but that we also greatly deprecate 
the interpretation which you gave of this plank to Mrs. D. E. 
Hooker of Richmond. 

It is my sincere hope as a Democratic woman that you will 
not allow any menace to the Democratic Party in the fall 
election through your unwillingness to face the desire of the 
West for speedy action upon the Susan B. Anthony Amendment. 

On July 3, a delegation representing the Woman's Na- 
tional Democratic League, composed, according to the 


Washington Times, of some of the most distinguished ladies 
of the Congressional and official sets, went to inform the 
President that the League had raised a thousand dollars as 
a contribution towards his re-election. Afterwards, Mrs. 
F. B. Moran, a grand-niece of Martha Washington, and it 
may be almost unnecessary to state, a member of the Con- 
gressional Union, requested a five minute interview with the 

Mrs. Moran said: 

I am really afraid for my Paifty. The women in the West 
are far superior to us. They have power, and they know how 
to use it. There are four million of them, and they are heartily 
in favor of the Federal Suffrage Amendment because they do 
not wish to be disfranchised jrhen they pass beyond the limits 
of their own State. It is not a question of their threatening us. 
It is a question of our realizing what they are going to do.' You 
can get the Suffrage Amendment through Congress, and, if you 
do not do it, these women will regard you as responsible. 

President Wilson said, in answer, that he could not inter- 
fere with the action of Congress. He believed that Suffrage 
should be established on the secure foundation of separate 
State action. " You should work from the bottom up, not 
from the top down," the President said. " Women should 
be patient, and continue to work in the admirable way they 
have worked in the past." 

On July 4, President Wilson reviewed a Labor parade in 
connection with the laying of the corjier-stone of the Labor 
Temple of the American Federation of Labor in Washing- 
ton, D. C, and at its close he addressed the marchers. He 
h^d just declared that he stood for the interests of all 
classes, when Mabel Vernon, who sat on the platform a few 
feet away, called in a voice which has a notably clear, ring- 
ing quality, " Mr. President, if you sincerely desire to for- 
ward the interests of all the people, why do you oppose the 
national enfranchisement of women?" 



The President answered, " That is one of the things which 
we will have to take counsel over later." 

When the President was closing his speech, Mabel Vernon 
called again ; " Answer, Mr. President, why do you oppose 
the national enfranchisement of women ? " 

The President did not answer. 

The Secret Service men with almost an exquisite courtesy 
gently hurried Miss Vernon away. 

On July 24, another deputation of prominent Democratic 
women called on the President. The deputation included 
Mrs. George W. Lamont, Harriot Stanton Blatch, Mina 
Van Winkle, Helen Todd. I quote the Suffragist: 

Mrs. Lamont, who introduced the group to President Wilson, 
said: " I have come to you, Mr. President, as a Democratic 
woman. I used to be first a Democrat and then a Suffragist; 
now I am a Suffragist first." She asked the President if he 
realized how painful a position he created for Demoeiratic women 
when he opposed the enfranchisement of their sex and forced 
them to chose between their Party allegiance and their loyalty 
to women throughout the nation. 

Mrs. Blatch told President Wilson of the strength of the 
sentiment for Woman Suffrage she had found in the West on 
her recent trip in the Suffrage Special through the equal Suf- 
frage States and of the extraordinary difficulties she had experi- 
enced in her own life trying to win Suffrage by amending the 
constitution of her State. 

" I am sixty years old, Mr. President/' said Mrs. Blatch, " I 
have worked all my life for Suffrage; and I am determined that 
I will never again stand up on the street corners of a great city 
appealing to every Tom/ Dick, and Harry for the right of self- 
government. When we work for a Federal Amendment, we are 
dealing at last with men who~ understand what we are talking 
about and can speak to us in our tongue. We are not asking 
for an easy way to win the vote. It is not easy to amend the 
United States Constitution. We are asking for a dignified way; 
and we ought to be able to rely on the chivalry of our repre- 
sentatives, particularly of the southern representatives, to accord 
to women a self-respecting method of working out their en- 


Miss Helen Todd told the President of her experience in a 
State campaign in Texas, when Democratic members of the 
Legislature refused to submit the question to the voters, saying 
bluntly that they controlled eleven votes in the upper house and 
that those eleven could keep the Suffrage Amendment " tied up " 
indefinitely. " Women go to Democrats in Congress and are told 
they must appeal to State Legislatures. They go to Democratic 
State Legislatures, who refuse to allow the electors of their own 
State to vote upon the question at all. " What are women to do, 
Mr. President?" said Miss Todd, "when they are played with 
in this cat and mouse fashion? " 

The interview was in many respects interesting. President 
Wilson did not mention the States' rights formula. He said he 
was imable to help the Suffrage Amendment in Congress because 
his Party was opposed to it. It was the President's theory, he 
explained, that a Party leader should not go so far in advance of 
his adherents as to withdraw himself from them, and make 
united action impossible upon the other issues before the country. 

The impression was strongly conveyed, however, that this 
opposition from the President's Party was not necessarily 
permanent. " In four years, or in two years," said Mr. Wilson, 
impressively but vaguely, " the situation might be different. At 
present many members of the Democratic Party are opposed to 
Woman Suffrage on account of the negro question." " But," 
said one of his visitors, " if women were given the vote through- 
out the United States the percentage of the white vote to the 
negro vote would be increased." " You have not explained that 
to the men in Congress," President Wilson said. 

In answer to the statement that the Democratic Party would 
lose the support of women in the West and therefore of western 
electoral votes if they persisted in opposing women's national 
enfranchisement, President Wilson said he did not believe women 
would vote in a national election on the Suffrage issue. " If they 
did that," said Mr. Wilson, with superb and quite unconscious 
insolence, " they would not be as intelligent as I think they are." 

The women came away from this meeting convinced that 
the President would do nothing for the Federal Amendment. 

On September 8, however, President Wilson spoke at At- 
lantic City before a Convention of the National American 
Woman Suffrage Association. It was the first time he had 
ever addressed a Suffrage meeting. That was, of course, in 
itself, significant. I quote the Suffragist: 


I have found it a real privilege to be here tonight and to 
listen to the address which you have heard. Though you may 
not all of you believe it, I would a great deal rather hear some 
one else speak than speak myself, but I should feel that I was 
omitting a duty if I did not address you tonight and say some of 
the things that have been in my thoughts as I realized the ap- 
proach of this evening and the duty that would fall upon me. 

The astonishing thing about this movement which you represent 
is not that it has grown so slowly, but that it has grown so 
rapidly. No doubt for those who have been a long time in the 
struggle, like your honored president, it seems a long and arduous 
path that has been trodden, but when you think of the cumulating 
force of this movement in recent decades, you must agree with 
me that it is one of the most astonishing tides in modern history. 

Two generations ago, no doubt. Madam President will agree 
with me in saying it was a handful of women who were fighting 
this cause. Now it is a great multitude of women who are fight- 
ing it. And there are some interesting historical connections 
which I wquld like to attempt to point out to you. One of the 
most striking facts about the history of the United States is that 
at the outset it was a lawyer's history. 

There was a time when nobody but a lawyer could know 
enough to run the government of the United States, and a dis- 
tinguished English publicist once remarked, speaking of the 
complexity of the American government, that it was no proof 
of the excellence of the American Constitution that it had been 
successfully operated, because the Anaerican could run any con- 
stitution. But there have been a great many technical difficulties 
in running it. 

And then something happened. A great question arose in this 
country which, though complicated with legal elements, was at 
the bottom a human question, and nothing but a question of 
humanity. That was the slavery question, and is it not sig- 
nificant that it was then, and then for the first time, that women 
became prominent in politics in America? Not many women. 
Those prominent in that day are so few that you can almost 
name them over in a brief catalogue, but nevertheless, they then 
began to play a part in writing not only, but in public speech, 
which was a very novel part for women to play in America; and 
after the Civil War had 'settled some of what seemed the most 
difiicult legal questions of our system, the life of the nation began 
not only to unfold but to accumulate. 

Life in the United States was a comparatively simple matter 
at the time of the Civil War. There was none of that under- 


ground struggle which is now so manifest to those who look only 
a little way beneath the surface. Stories such as Dr. Davis has 
told tonight were uncommon in those simpler days. 

The pressure of low wages, the agony of obscure and unre- 
munerated toil did not exist in America in anything the same 
proportions that they exist now. And as our life has unfolded 
and accumulated, as the contacts of it have become hot, as the 
populations have assembled in the cities, and the cool spaces of 
the country have been supplanted by the feverish urban areas, the 
whole nature of our political questions has been altered. They 
have ceased to be legal questions. They have more and more 
become social questions — questions with regard to the relations 
of human beings to one another — not merely their legal relations, 
but their moral and spiritual relations to one another. 

And this has been most characteristic of American life in the 
last few decades, and as these questions have assumed greater 
and greater prpminence, the movement which this association 
represents has gathered cumulative force. So that if anybody 
asks himself, " What does this gathering force mean ? " if he 
knows anything about the history of the country, he knows that 
it means something that has not only come to stay, but has come 
with conquering power. 

I get a little impatient sometimes about the discussion of the 
channels and methods by which it is to prevail. It is going to 
prevail, and that is a very superficial and ignorant view of it 
which attributes it to mere social unrest. It is not merely 
because the women are discontented. It is because the women 
have seen visions of duty, and that is something which we not 
only cannot resist, but, if we be true Americans, we do not wish 
to resist. 

So that what we have to realize in dealing with forces of this 
sort is that we are dealing with the substance of life itself. 

I have felt as I sat here tonight the wholesome contagion of 
the occasion. Almost every other time that I ever visited Atlantic 
City I came to fight somebody. I hardly know how to conduct 
myself when I have not come to fight against anybody, but with 
somebody. I have come to suggest, among other things, that 
when the forces of nature are steadily working and the tide is 
rising to meet the moon, you need not be afraid that it will not 
come to its flood. 

We feel the tide: we rejoice in the strength of it and we shall 
not quarrel in the long run as to the method of it. Because, 
when you are working with masses of men and organized bodies 
of opinion, you have got to carry the organized body along. 


The whole art and practice of government consists, not in moving 
individuals, but in moving masses. It is all very well to run 
ahead and beckon, but, after all, you have got to wait for the 
mass to follow. I have not come to ask you to be patient, because 
you have been, but I have come to congratulate you that there was 
a force behind you that will, beyond any peradventnre, be tri- 
umphant and for which you can afford a little while to wait. 

This speech is, of course, often exquisitely phrased. How- 
ever, it promised nothing. The Woman's Party was not 
deceived by it. 

It is to be seen that President Wilson was moving — 
slowly, to be sure ; one cautious foot carefully planted before 
the other cautious foot moved- — in the right direction. He 
had progressed a measurable distance from the man who just 
after his inauguration admitted he had never considered the 
subject of Suffrage. However, he still held to his idea of 
the " State-by-State " progress for the enfranchisement of 
women. But he was to change even in that, as will subse- 
quently be seen. 



On Augast 10, 11, and 12, of 1916, the newly fonned Na- 
tional Woman's Party held a conference at the Hotel Antlers 
in Colorado Springs, to formulate a policy for the coming 
presidential campaign. 

In Washington, Senators and Representatives read avidly 
the newspaper accounts of this convention. 

Politically, it was a tremendously impressive gathering. 
Prominent women came from all the Western States to decide 
how they should endeavor to mobilize the women's votes. 
Greatly alarmed at this drifting away of members, the 
Democratic Party sent prominent Democratic women to 
plead with them not to leave the Party and to represent to 
them that Peace was more important than Suffrage. The 
Republicans sent important Republican women to plead with 
them to give their support to Hughes since he had come out 
for the Federal Suffrage Amendment. 

Finally the Democratic leaders appealed to the President 
to counteract the attacks being made on the Party, on the 
score of its Suffrage record. The President, thereupon, des- 
patched to the Thomas Jefferson Club of Denver the fol- 
lowing letter which was read at a banquet the last day of 
the Conference. 

The White House, 
Washington, D. C, August 7, 1916. 
My dear Friends: 

I wish I could meet you face to face and tell you in person 
how deeply I appreciate the work your organization has done 
and proposes to do for the cause of democracy and popular 

I am told that yours was the first woman's Democratic voters' 
organization in America, and I am sure that as such it must have 



been the instrument of impressing your convictions very deeply 
upon the politics of your State. 

One of the strongest forces behind the Equal Suffrage senti- 
ment of the country is the now demonstrated fact that in the 
Suffrage States women interest themselves in public questions, 
study them thoroughly, form their opinions and divide as men 
do concerning them. It must in frankness be admitted that there 
are two sides to almost every important public question, and even 
the best informed persons are bound to differ in judgment con- 
cerning it. With each difference in judgment, it is not only 
natural, but right and patriotic, that the success of opposing 
convictions should be sought through political alignment and the 
measuring of their strength at the polls through political agencies. 
Men do this naturally, and so do women; though it has required 
your practical demonstration of it to convince those who doubted 
this. In proportion as the political development of women con- 
tinues along this line, the cause of Equal Suffrage will be pro- 

Those who believe in Equal Suffrage are divided into those who 
believe that each State should determine for itself when and in 
what direction the Suffrage should be extended, and those who 
believe that it should be immediately extended by the action of 
the national government, by means of an amendment to the Fed- 
eral Constitution. Both the great political Parties of the nation 
have in their recent platforms favored the extension of Suffrage 
to women through State action, and I do not see how their can- 
didates can consistently disregard these official declarations. I 
shall endeavor to make the declaration of my own Party in this 
matter effectual by every influence that I can properly and 
legitimately exercise. 

Woman's part in the progress of the race, it goes without 
saying, is quite as important as man's. The old notion, too, that 
Suffrage and service go hand in hand, is a sound one, and women 
may well appeal to it, though it has long been invoked against 
them. The war in Europe has forever set at rest the notion that 
nations depend in time of stress wholly upon their men. The 
women of Europe are bearing their full share of war's awful 
burden in the daily activities of the struggle, and more than their 
share as sufferers. Their fathers and husbands and sons are 
fighting and dying in the trenches; but they have taken up the 
work on the farms, at the mill, and in the workshop and counting 
houses. They bury the dead, care for the sick and wounded, 
console the fatherless, and sustain the constant shock of war's 
appalling sacriiices. 


From these hideous calamities we in this favored land of ours 
have thus far been shielded. I shall be profoundly thankful, if, 
consistently with the honor and integrity of the nation, we may 
maintain to the end our peaceful relations with the world. 
Cordiallj- and sincerely yours, 

WooDEOW Wilson. 
To the officers and members of the 
Jane Jefferson Club of Colorado. 

The Woman's Party did not care for whom the women 
cast their protest vote — Republicans, Socialists, Prohibi- 
tionists — they cared only that women should not vote for the 
Democrats. They knew if this protest vote was large 
enough, whoever was elected would realize that opposition 
to Suffrage was inexpedient. 

At Colorado Springs the National Woman's Party passed 
the following resolutions: 

Resolved that the National Woman's Party, so long as the 
opposition of the Democratic Party continues, pledges itself to 
use its best efforts in the twelve States where women vote for 
President to defeat the Democratic candidate for President; and 
in the eleven States where women vote for members of Congress 
to defeat the candidates of the Democratic Party for Congress. 

Immediately the campaign began. It was the biggest cam- 
paign — the most important ever waged by the Woman's 
Party. A stream of organizers started for the Western 
States to prepare the way for the speakers. How hard, and 
how long, and how intensively these girl organizers worked 
will never be known because, in the very nature of things, 
there could be no adequate record of their efforts. Then 
came a stream of speakers, relay after relay — convinced, 
informed, experienced — and inspired. Among them were 
Harriot Stanton Blatch, Sara Bard Field, Ida Finney Mack- 
rille, Mrs. William Kent, Mrs. H. O. Havemeyer, Helen 
Todd, Maud Younger, Rose Winslow, Gail Laughlin. The 
brilliant, beautiful Inez MilhoUand Boissevain, doomed soon 
to die so untimely but so glorious a death, was appointed 
special flying envoy to make a twelve mile swing through 


the twelve western Equal Suffrage States; to bring to the 
enfranchised women of the West an appeal for help from the 
disfranchised women of the East. 

The campaign of 1916 was characterized by the swiftness 
of attack and efficiency of method which characterized the 
campaign of 1914, but it was carried out on a much larger 
scale. In Washington, Headquarters boiled . . . bubbled 
. . . seethed. . . . 

From Washington there sifted into the West tons of cam- 
paign literature : miles of purple, white, and gold banners ; 
acres of great across-the-street streamers. In the West 
itself, Woman's Party speakers addressed every kind of 
meeting known to our civilization: indoor meetings; out- 
door meetings; luncheons; banquets; labor unions, business 
men's organizations; in churches, factories, theatres; at 
mining camps, county fairs. They took advantage of im- 
promptu meetings in the streets ; small ready-made meetings 
at clubs; large advertised mass-meetings. And Inez Mil- 
holland's activities as a flying envoy — and in that, her last 
fight she did fly — ^were the climax of it all. 

The slogan of the Wilson party was, " He kept us out of 
war." The slogan of the Woman's Party developed, " He 
kept us out of Suffrage." 

The Democrats, remembering the results of the campaign 
of 1914, were far from indulgent of this small army, the 
members of which were all generals. 

In Denver, Elsie Hill the Woman's Party organizer was 
arrested and hurried to the police station in a patrol wagon. 
The only charge against her was that she had distributed 
literature telling the Democratic record on Suffrage. 

In Colorado Springs, the Federal Amendment banner was 
"arrested" and locked up for the night in jail. 

In Chicago, described by the Chicago Tribune as the 
" pivotal point of the 1916 election," this hostility was much 
more violent. The day that Wilson spoke there a hundred 
women, some of them carrying inscribed banners, stationed 
themselves at the entrance to the auditorium where he was 


to appear. They were attacked by groups of men, who tore 
their banners out of their hands, and demolished them. Sev- 
eral women were thrown to the ground, and one, still cling- 
ing to the banner, was dragged across the street. 

This was followed by an attack upon Minnie E. Brooke, 
one of the Woman's Party speakers. She was alone, walk- 
ing quietly down Michigan Boulevard. She had a small 
purple, white, and gold flag in her hand, and was wearing 
the regalia of the Woman's Party. Suddenly two men darted 
up to her, and tried to tear her colors away. In the struggle 
she was thrown down and would have fallen in front of an 
automobile had not a hotel employee run to her assist- 

However, in the out-of-way country places in the Western 
States, the Woman's Party speakers were received with that 
hearty hospitality, that instant and instinctive chivalry, 
which marks the West. In this campaign, they made a point 
of appearing in the State and County Fairs which charac- 
terized the late summer and early fall months. 

On Frontier Day, at the Douglas County Grange at Castle 
Rock, Colorado, Elsie Hill spoke — to a grandstand crowded 
with people-^between the end of the relay race (in which 
the riders changed horses and saddles) and the beginning of 
the steer-roping contest. On the stand were massed men, 
women, and children. Just over the fence crowded hundreds 
of cowboys and farmers. 

Street processions also characterized this campaign. At 
night in Salt Lake City occurred an extraordinary parade — 
a river of yellow. The squad of mounted policemen who 
headed the procession wore the purple, white, and gold re- 
galia of the Woman's Party. Marching women carried 
lighted yellow Japanese lanterns. The people who filled 
the automobiles carried yellow lanterns. The huge Amend- 
ment banner was yellow. Yellow banners were strung across 
the streets. 

Billboards and posters appeared everywhere which ad- 
jured voters not to support Wilson or any Democratic can- 


didates for Congress. In Tucson and Prescott, Arizona, 
these great banners were surreptitiously cut down. In Cali- 
fornia, the Democrats placed counter placards beside these 
disturbing posters. In San Francisco, armed patrols 
guarded the two conflicting posters in one hotel lobby. 

The Woman's Party speakers took advantage of all kinds 
of situations. In one town, Maud Younger found that a 
circus had arrived just ahead of her. There was no ade- 
quate hall for a meeting; and so the circus men offered her 
their tent; they even megaphoned her meeting for her. In 
another town, a County Fair was being held. Maud Younger 
appealed to the clowns to give her a chance to speak, and 
they let her have their platform and the spot-light while 
they were changing costumes. In San Francisco, Hazel 
Hunkins scattered thousands of leaflets from an aeroplane 
flying over the city. Red Lodge, Montana, sent to the train, 
which brought Abby Scott Baker to them, a delegation of 
members of the Grand Army of the Republic, the leader 
bearing a large American flag. They conducted her in 
state through the town to the hall where she was to speak. 

Perhaps no campaign was more interesting than that of 
Rose Winslow in Arizona. Vivian Pierce, whose experienced 
newspaper hand on the Suffragist helped to make that paper 
the success it so swiftly became, thus describes her work : 

Rose Winslow represented the workers. She spoke for the 
exploited women in Eastern industry. In her own person to 
her audiences she typified her story of those imprisoned in fac- 
tories and slums, unable to fight their own battles. Her words 
had the authenticity of an inspired young evangelist. She herself 
had come up out of that darkness; and the men of the mines 
and lumber camps, the women of the remote Arizona towns, 
listened to her with tears pouring down their faces. One does 
not see Eastern audiences so moved. At Winslow . . . this 
girl, pleading for working women, the most exploited class in 
industry, appealed to the men of the great Santa Fe railroad 
shops that animate the life of that remote region on the edge 
of the " Painted Desert." Rose Winslow had been warned that 
if she spoke at this town, she would be " mobbed " by the Wilson 
Democrats. After her impassioned story, told one noon hour, the 


men of the shops crowded around this young woman from the 
£ast, " one of our own people," as one man said, and asked her 
what they could do for the women of the East. . . . 

In the remote copper camps around Jerome and Bisbee, the 
story of the industrial workers who have merely asked for a 
chance to help themselves, made a deep impression on the foreign- 
born voters of this section. There were Poles, Finns, and 
Lithuanians in the great audience held in that copper town that 
is the working-man's annex to Bisbee. That audience both 
laughed and cried with Rose Winslow, and then crowded around 
to greet her in her own language. 

From the vividly colored fastness of the miners' villages in this 
wild mountain region, to border towns like Nogales, though but 
a short step geographically, the temper and character of the 
cities change. ... In places like Nogales, the soldiers who 
could not go home to vote turned the Woman's Party meetings 
into near-riots, so anxious were these victims of a peace adminis- 
tration to hear what the ladies had to say about Wilson. The 
soldiers registered their approval by helping take up collections, 
though even the provost guard could not remove them to give 
space to citizens able to register their protests. 

An event equally picturesque marked the closing of the 
campaign on the night of Sunday, November 5, on the plat- 
form of the Blackstone Theatre, Chicago. There, Harriot 
Stanton Blatch, acting as the spokesman of the disfran- 
chised women of the East, called up by long-distance tele- 
phone a series of mass-meetings, one in each of the twelve 
Suffrage States and' repeated their message — a final appeal 
to the women voters of the West to cast their ballots on the 
following Tuesday against; President Wilson. 

The result of the election is summed up in the Suffragist 
of November 11: 

In Illinois, the only State where the vote of women is counted 
separately, over seventy thousand more women voted against Mr. 
Wilson than for him. . . . 

The reports indicate that the Woman's Party campaign was 
as successful in holding the woman's vote in line in the other 
eleven States as in Illinois. While ten of these States went for 
Wilson, they did not do so, as has been claimed, by the woman's 


vote. Mr. Wilson received in these States almost the solid Labor 
vote, the Progressive, and the farmer's vote. The popular ma- 
jority which Mr. Wilson received in the twelve Suffrage States 
amounted only to twenty-two thousand one hundred seventy-one 
out of a popular vote, according to the latest returns, of more 
than four million, eight hundred and ten thousand in the same 
States. This does not include the Socialist and Prohibition vote, 
which was very heavy in some of the Western States. . . . 

We were not concerned with the result of the election. Ours 
was a campaign in which it made no difference who was elected. 
We did not endorse any candidate. We did not care who won. 
We were not pro-Republican, pro-Socialist, pro-Prohibition — we 
were simply pro-woman. We did not endeavor to affect the result 
in the non-Suffrage States. What we did try to do was to 
organize a protest vote by women against Mr. Wilson's attitude 
towards Suffrage. This we did. Every Democrat who cam- 
paigned in the West knows this. The Democratic campaign in 
the West soon consisted almost entirely of an attempt to combat 
the Woman's Party attack. 

Tribute to the strength of the Woman's Party campaign 
is contained in the remark of a woman who had in charge 
the campaign of the Democratic women voters. Out of six 
leaflets which her organization got out, five were on the sub- 
ject of Suffrage. A reporter remonstrated with her in regard 
to Suffrage not being an issue in the West. She agreed with 
him, but, she added, "We have to combat the Woman's 

The whole Western campaign of the Republicans was 
conducted as if they were assured of victory. In many cases 
the organizers of the Woman's Party told the Republicans 
in the East that they were going to lose in certain districts. 
" Nensense," laughed the Republicans, " we are sure to win 
there, absolutely sure." Alice Paul in Chicago received 
reports from campaigners through the West and all pre- 
dicted Democratic victory. She went to Republican Head- 
quarters with these reports, but she could not convince the 
Republicans of the truth of them. 

Senator Curtis, Secretary of the Republican Senatorial 
Committee, said he got more information as to the situation 


in the West from the Woman's Party than he got from any 
other source. 

It became apparent soon that Wilson was going to win. 
It was then that advisors came to Alice Paul and said, 
" Withdraw your speakers from the campaign, so that you 
will not have the humiliation of defeat before the country." 

And it was then that Alice Paul answered, " No. If me 
withdraw our speakers from the campaign, we withdraw the 
issue from the campaign. We must make this such an im- 
portant thing in national elections that the Democrats will 
not want to meet it again." 

Commenting on this campaign, Alice Paul said the Demo- 
crats made a strong appeal to the women voters but for the 
Republicans the women did not exist, and in fact the chief 
recognition that the Republicans made of the women in the 
West was to send there the Hughes so-called " Golden Spe- 
cial," which, on leaving Chicago, announced that it was not 
a "Suffrage Special." 

< After the campaign was over, Vance McCormick, Chair- 
man of the Democratic Party, was talking with a member of 
his committee. He said, in effect : " Before the election of 
1918, we must patch up our weak places. Our weakest spot 
is the Suffrage situation. We must get rid of the Suffrage 
Amendment before 1918 if we want to control the next 

The Sixty-fourth Congress met for its second and last 
session on December 4, 1916. President Wilson delivered a 
message which made no reference to the subject of Woman 
Suffrage. The Congressional Union, always having advance 
information, knew this beforehand. And so on that occa- 
sion, by a bit of direct action, they brought Suffrage vividly 
to the attention of President Wilson, Congress, and the 
whole country. This was the only action of the Woman's 
Party which Alice Paul did not give out beforehand to the 

Early that morning, before the outer doors were opened, 


five women of the Congressional Union appeared before the 
Capitol. After a long wait the doors were opened, and — 
the first of a big crowd — they placed themselves in the front 
row of the gallery just to the left of the big clock. They 
faced the Speaker's desk, from which the President would 
read his message. These five women were: Mrs. John 
Rogers, Jr.; Mrs. Harry Lowenburg; Dr. Caroline Spencer; 
Florence Bayard Hilles ; Mabel Vernon. In a casual manner, 
other members of the Union seated themselves behind them 
and on the gallery steps beside them: Lucy Burns; Eliza- 
beth Papandre; Mildred Gilbert; Mrs. W^iUiam L. Colt; 
Mrs. Townsend Scott. 

Mabel Vernon sat in the middle of the five women in the 
front row. Pinned to her skirt, under the enveloping cape 
which she wore, was a big banner of yellow sateen. After 
the five women had settled themselves, Mabel Vernon un- 
pinned the banner and dropped it, all ready for unrolling, 
on the floor. At the top of the banner were five long tapes 
— too long — 'Mabel Vernon now regretfully declares. At the 
psychological moment, which had been picked beforehand, in 
President Wilson's speech — ^he was recommending a greater 
freedom for the Porto Rican men — Mabel Vernon whispered 
the series of signals which had previously been decided on. 
Immediately — ^working like a beautifully co-ordinated ma- 
chine — the five women stooped, lifted the banner, and, 
holding it tightly by the tapes, dropped it over the balcony 
edge. It unrolled with a smart snap and displayed these 
words : 


Then the women sat perfectly still, in the words of the 
Washington Post " five demure and unruflBed women . . . 
with the cords supporting the fluttering thing clenched in 
their hands." 

The effect was instantaneous. The President looked up, 
hesitated a moment, then went on reading. AH the Con- 


gressmen turned; The Speaker sat motionless. A buzz ran 
wildly across the floor. Policemen and guards headed up- 
stairs to the gallery where the women were seated ; but their 
progress was inevitably slow as the steps were tightly 
packed with members of the Congressional Union. In the 
meantime, one of the pages, leaping upward, caught the 
banner and tore it away from the cords in the women's 
hands. " It it hadn't been for those long tapes," Mabel 
Vernon says, " they never could have got it until the Presi- 
dent finished his speech." 

The episode took up less than five minutes' time. Until 
the President finished his message, it seemed to be completely 
forgotten. But the instant the President with his escort 
disappeared through the door, every Congressman was on his 
feet staring up at the gallery. \ 

The Woman's Party publicity accounts of this episode — 
multigraphed the night before^were in the hands of the 
men in the Press Gallery the instant after it happened. This 
is a sample of the perfect organization and execution of the 
Woman's Party plans. 

Of course, this incident was a front page story in every 
newspaper in the United States that night despoiling the 
President of his headlines. It is now one of the legends in 
Washington that in the midst of the dinner given to the 
President by the Gridiron Club shortly after, the identical 
banner was unfurled before his eyes. 

The following week, at the first meeting of the Judiciary 
Committee since the Presidential Campaign, the report of the 
Federal Suffrage Amendment was made without recommenda- 
tion to the House of Representatives. 




" For Lycidas is dead, dead ere his prime ; 
Young Lycidas, and hath not left his peer." 

— Milton. 

Inez, vibrant, courageous, symbolic. 

How can death claim you? 

Many he leads down the long halls of silence 

Burdened with years. 

Those who have known sorrow 

And are weary with forgetting. 

The young who have tasted only gladness 

And who go with wistful eyes. 

Never to see the sharp breaking of illusion. 

For these — 

We who remain and are lonely 

Find consolation, saying 

" They have won the white vistas of quietness." 

But for you — 

The words of my grief will not form 

In a pattern of resignation. 

The syllables of rebellion 

Are quivering upon my lips ! 

You belonged to life — 

To the struggling actuality of earth ; 

You were our Hortensia and flung 

Her challenge to the world — 

Our world still strangely Roman — 

" Does justice scorn a woman? " 

Oh ! Between her words and yours the centuries seem 
Like little pauses in an ancient song. 
For in the hour of war's discordant triumph 
You both demanded " Peace " ! 
. 183 


And I, remembering how the faces of many women , 
Turned toward you with passionate expectation. 
How can I find consolation? 

Inez^ vibrant, courageous, symbolic. 

Can death still claim you? 

When in the whitening winter of our grief 

Your smile witL all the radiance of spring. 

When from the long halls of silence 

The memory of your voice comes joyously back 

To the ears of our desolation — 

Your voice that held a challenge and a caress. 

You have gone — 

Yet you are ours eternally ! 

Your gallant youth. 

Your glorious self-sacrifice — ^all ours ! 

Inez, vibrant, courageous, symbolic. 

Death cannot claim you ! 

Ruth Fitch. 
The Suffragist. December 30, 1916. 

The most poignant event — and perhaps the most beautiful 
in all the history of the Congressional Union — took place 
on Christmas Day of this year, the memorial service in 
memory of Inez MilhoUand. 

Inez MilhoUand was one of the human sacrifices offered on 
the altar of woman's liberty. She died that other women 
might be free. 

In the recent campaign, she had spoken in Wyoming, 
Idaho, Oregon, Washington, Montana, Utah, Nevada, and 
California. In her memorial address, Maud Younger said: 

The trip was fraught with hardship. Speaking day and night, 
she would take a train at two in the morning, to arrive at eight; 
and then a train at midnight, to arrive at five in the morning. 
She would come away from audiences and droop as a flower. 
The hours between were hours of exhaustion and suffering. 
She would ride in the trains gazing from the windows, listless, 
''almost lifeless, until one spoke; then again the sweet smile, the 
sudden interest, the quick sympathy. The courage of her was 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing 

Inez Milholland. 
In the Washington Parade, March 3, 1913. 


At a great mass-meeting at Los Angeles, in October, she 
was saying — in answer to the President's words, " The tide 
is rising to meet the moon ; you will not have long to wait," 
— " How long must women wait for liberty? " On the word 
liberty, she fell fainting to the floor. Within a month, she 
was dead. 

That Christmas Day, Statuary Hall in the Capitol of the 
United States was transformed. The air was full of the 
smells of the forest. Greens made a background — partially 
concealing the semi-circle of statues — at the rear; laurel and 
cedar banked the dais in front; somber velvet curtains fell 
about its sides. Every one of the chairs which filled the 
big central space supported a flag of purple, white, and gold. 
Between the pillars of the balcony hung a continuous frieze ; 
pennants of purple, white, and gold — the tri-color of these 
feminist crusaders. 

The audience assembled in the solemn quiet proper to such 
an occasion, noiselessly took their seats in the semi-circle 
below and the gallery above. The organ played Ave Maria. 
Then again, a solemn silence fell. j 

Suddenly the stillness was invaded by a sound — music, 
very faint and faraway. It grew louder and louder. It was 
the sound of singing. It came nearer and nearer. It was 
the voices of boys'. Presently the beginning of a long line 
of boy choristers, who had wound through the marble hall- 
way, appeared in the doorway. They marched into the hall , 

" Forward, out of error. 
Leave behind the night. 
Forward through the darkness. 
Forward into light." 

Behind came Mary Morgan in white, carrying a golden 
banner with the above words inscribed on it. This was a 
duplicate of the banner that Inez Milholland bore in the 
first Suffrage parade in New York. Behind the golden ban- 
ner came a great procession of young women wearing 



straight surplices ; the first division in purple, the next in 
white, the last in gold, carrying high standards which bore 
the tri-color. Before each division came another young girl 
in white, carrying a golden banner — ^lettered. 
One banner said: 


Another banner said: 


The last banner said: 


These white-clad girls stood in groups on both sides of the 
laurel-covered dais against the shadowy background of the 
curtains. The standard-bearers in the purple, the white, the 
gold, formed a semi-circle of brilliant color which lined the 
hall and merged with the purple, white, and gold frieze above 
them. They stood during the service, their tri-colored ban- 
ners at rest. 

There followed music. The choristers sang : Forward Be 
Our Watchword. The Mendelssohn Quartet sang: Love 
Divine and Thou Whose Almighty Word. Elizabeth Howry 
sang first All Through the Night and, immediately after, 
Henchel's ringing triumphant Morning Song. It is an 
acoustic eifect of Statuary Hall that the music seems to 
come from above. That effect added immeasurably to the 
solemnity of this occasion. 

Tribute speeches followed, Anne Martin introducing the 
speakers. Mrs. William Kent read two resolutions : one pre- 
pared under the direction of Zona Gale, the other by 
Florence Brewer Boeckel. Maud Younger delivered a beau- 
tiful memorial address. 


" And so ever through the West, she went," Miss Younger said 
in part, " through the West that drew her, the West that loved 
her, until she came to the end of the West. There where the sun 
goes down in glory in the vast Pacific, her life went out in glory 
in the shining cause of freedom. . . . They will tell of her in 
the West, tell of the vision of loveliness as she flashed through 
her last burning mission, flashed through to her death, a falling 
stdr in the western heavens. . . . With new devotion we go 
forth, inispired by her sacrifice to the end that this sacrifice be 
not in vain, but that dying she shall bring to pass that which 
living she could not achieve, full freedom for women, full democ- 
racy for the nation. ..." 

At the end the quartet sang, Before the Heavens Were 
Spread Abroad. Then the procession re-formed, and 
marched out again as it had come, a slow-moving band of 
color which gradually disappeared; a river of music which 
gradually died to a thread, to a sigh . ... to nothing. 
. . .As before the white-surpliced choristers headed the 
procession, chanting the recessional, For All the Saints. 
Their banners lowered, the girl standard-bearers — first those 
in floating gold, then those in drifting white, then those in 
heavy purple — followed. From the far-away reaches of the 
winding marble halls sounded the boyish voices. Faintly 

O, may Thy Soldiers, faithful, true and bold. 
Fight as the Saints who nobly fought of old, 
And win with them the victor's crown of gold. 
Alleluia ! 

And fainter still: 

But, lo, there breaks a yet more glorious day. 
The Saints triumphant rise in bright array. 

The voices lost themselves in the distance, merged with 
silence. The audience still sat moveless, spellbound by all 
this beauty and grief. Suddenly the Marseillaise burst 
from the organ like a call to the new battle. Instantly, it 
was echoed by the strings. 


On January 9, the President received a deputation of 
three hundred women. This deputation brought to him the 
resolutions passed at memorials held in commemoration of 
Inez Milholland from California to New York. 

Sara Bard, Field said in part: . 

Since that day (a year ago) when we came to you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, one of our most beautiful and beloved comrades, Inez Mil- 
holland, has paid the price of her life for a cause. The un- 
timely death of a young woman like this — a woman for whom 
the world has such bitter need — ^has focussed the attention of 
men and women of this nation on the fearful waste of women 
which this fight for the ballot is entailing. The same maternal 
instinct for the preservation of life — whether it be the physical 
life of a child, or the spiritual life of a cause — is sending women 
into this battle for liberty with an urge that gives them no rest 
night or day. Every advance of liberty has demanded' its quota 
of human sacrifice, and, if I had time,^ I could show you that we 
have paid in a measure that is running over. In the light of 
Inez MilhoUand's death, as we look over the long backward trail 
through which we have sought pur political liberty, we are asking, 
how long, how long, must this struggle go on? 

Mr. President, to the nation more than to women themselves is 
this waste of maternal force significant. In industry, such a 
waste of money and strength would not be permitted. The 
modern trend is all towards efficiency. Why is such waste per- 
mitted in the making of a nation ? 

Sometimes I think it must be very hard to be a President, in 
respect to his contacts with people, as well as in the grave 
business he must perform. The exclusiveness necessary to a 
great dignitary holds him away from the democracy of com- 
munion necessary to full understanding of what the people are 
really thinking and desiring. I feel that this deputation today 
fails in its mission if, because of the dignity of your office and the 
formality of such an occasion, we fail to bring to you the throb 
of woman's desire for freedom and her eagerness to ally herself 
with all those activities to which you yourself have dedicated 
your life. When once the ballot is in her hand, those tasks which 
this nation has set itself to do are her tasks as well as man's. 
We women who are here today are close to this desire of woman. 
We cannot believe that you are our enemy, or are indifferent to 
the fundamental righteousness of our demand. 

We have come here to you in your powerful office as our helper. 


Joy Young at the Inez Milholland Memorial 


We have come in the name of justice, in the name of democracy, 
in the name of all women who have fought and died for this 
cause, and in a peculiar way, with our hearts bowed in sorrow, in 
the name of this gallant girl who died with the word " Liberty " 
on her lips. We have come asking you this day to speak some 
favorable word to us, that we may know that you will use your 
good and great office to end this wasteful struggle of women. 

The President replied: 

Ladies, I had not been apprised that yota were coming here to 
make any representation that would issue an appeal to me. I 
had been told that you were coming to present memorial resolu- 
tions with regard to the very remarkable woman whom your 
cause has lost. I therefore am not prepared to say anything 
further than I have said on previous occasions of this sort. 

I do not need to tell you where my own convictions and my 
own personal purpose lie, and I need not tell you by what 
circumscriptions I am bound as leader of a Party. As the leader 
of a Party, my commands come from that Party, and not from 
private personal convictions. 

My personal action as a citizen, of course, comes from iio 
source, but my own conviction, and there my position has been 
so frequently defined, and I hope so candidly defined, and it is so 
impossible for me until the orders of my Party are changed, to 
do anything other than I am doing as a Party leader that I 
think nothing more is necessary to be said. 

I do want to say this: I do not see how anybody can fail to 
observe from the utterance of the last campaign that the Demo- 
cratic Party is more inclined than the opposition Party to assist 
in this great cause, and it has been a matter of surprise to me, 
and a matter of very great regret, that so many of those who 
are heart and soul for this cause seem so greatly to misunder- 
stand and misinterpret the attitudes of Parties. In this country, 
as in every other self-governing country, it is really through the 
instrumentality of Parties that things can be accomplished. They 
are not accomplished by the individual voice, but by concen- 
trated action, and that action must come only so fast as you can 
concert it. I have done my best, and shall continue to do my 
best to concert it in the interest of a cause in which I personally 

In Maud Younger's delightful Revelations of a Woman 
Lobbyist, in McCall's Magazine, she thus describes that 
scene : 


The doors opened, and, surrounded by Secret Service men, 
President Wilson entered. He came quickly forward, smiling as 
he shook my hand. Contrary to the general impression. President 
Wilson has a very human, sympathetic personality. He i^ not the 
aloof, academic type one expects of a man who, avoiding people, 
gets much of his knowledge from books and reports. Though 
he appears to the general public as in a mist on a mountain top, 
like the gods of old, he is really a man of decided emotional 

I answered his greeting briefly, giving him the resolutions I 
held, and presented Mrs. John Winters Brannan, who handed 
him the New York memorial without speaking at all. We were 
saving time for his declaration. Then came Sara — small, delicate 
Sara Bard Field, a woman of rare spirituality and humor — 
whom we had chosen to speak for us. 

She began to talk very nobly and beautifully, while the Presi- 
dent listened cordially. But suddenly a cold wave passed over 
him. Sara bad quoted Mr. Hughes. At that name, the Presi- 
dent's manner chilled. The look in his eyes became so cold 
, that, as Sara says, the words almost froze on her lips. She 
finished in an icy stillness, and after a moment the President 

Instead of the assurances we had expected, we heard words 
to the effect that he could not dictate to his Party. We must 
first concert public opinion. It was his last gleam, for, looking 
about him and seeing amazement, disappointment, indignation, he 
grew still colder. With a last defiant glance at us all he abruptly 
left the room. Secret Service men, newspaper men, and secre- 
taries followed him. Where the President of the United States 
had been was now a clod^ door. 

Stunned, talking in low, indignant tones, we moved slowly out 
of the East Room and returned to our Headquarters. There we 
discussed the situation. We saw- that the President would do 
nothing for some time, perhaps not until the eve of the Presiden- 
tial election in 1920. He said we must concert public opinion. 
But how.** For half a century women had been walking the hard 
way of the lobbyist. We had had speeches, meetings, parades, 
campaigns, organization. What new method could we devise? 




ON tHe picket line 

The avenue is misty gray, 
And here beside the guarded gate 
We hold our golden blowing flags 
And wait. 

The people pass in friendly wise; 
They smile their greetings where we stand 
And turn aside to recognize 
The just demand. 

Often the gates are swung aside: 
The man whose power could free us now 
Looks from his car to read our plea — 
And bow. 

Sometimes the little children laugh; 
The careless folk toss careless words. 
And scoflf and turn away, and yet 
The people pass the whole long day 
Those golden flags cgainst the gray 
And can't forget. 

Beulah Amidon. 
The Suffragist, March 8, 1917. 

1. The Peaceful Picketing 

Before we examine the consideration which actuated the 
National Woman's Party in waging the picket campaign of 
1917, let us see where President Wilson stood at the begin- 
ning of the war ; let us briefly recapitulate the steps which 

brought him there. 



It will be remembered that, shortly after the President 
took his seat in March, 1913, he told a deputation from 
the Congressional Committee that Suffrage was a question 
to which he had given no thought and on which he had no 
opinion. During the ^ear, no longer stating that he knew 
nothing about Suffrage, he gave as a reason for inaction 
that the Congressional program was too crowded to con- 
sider it. By the end of the year, he had reached the point 
where he stated that he could take no action on the Suffrage 
Amendment until commanded by his Party. 

In 1914, he continued to state that he was prohibited from 
acting because of being bound by his Party until June, 
when he seized on the excuse of States Rights further to 
explain his inaction. In the autumn of 1915 he first came 
out personally for Suffrage by voting for it in New Jersey 
but still refused to support it in Congress. His next step 
forward came in June, 1916, when he caused the principle 
of Suffrage to be recognized in the Party platform, though 
as yet neither he nor the Party had endorsed the Federal 
Amendment. In September of that same year — after the 
Woman's Party had begun its active campaign in the Suf- 
frage States — ^the President took another step and addressed 
a Suffrage Convention of the National American Woman's 
Suffrage Association. But as yet he was not committed to 
the Federal Amendment, had not begun to exert pressure 
on Congress. 

The situation of the President and the Woman's Party at 
this juncture may be summed up in this way. Wilson, him- 
self, was beginning to realize that the Suffrage Amendment 
must ultimately pass. But he had just been re-elected. He 
was safe for four years; he could take his time about it. 
The Woman's Party on the other hand, realized that the 
President being safe for four years, no political pressure 
could be exerted upon him. They realized that they must 
devise other methods to keep Suffrage, as a measure de- 
manding immediate enactment, before him. 

In the meantime, a feeling of acute discontent was growing 


in the women of the United States. The older women — 
and they were the third generation to demand the vote — 
were beginning to ask how long this period of entreaty must 
be protracted. The younger women — the fourth generation 
to demand the vote — ^were becoming impatient with the out- 
worn methods of their predecessors. Moreover, when the 
disfranchised women of the East visited the enfranchised 
States of the West, their eyes were opened in a practical 
way to the extraordinary injustice of their own disfranchise- 
ment. Equally, the enfranchised women of the West, mov- 
ing to Eastern States, resented their loss of this political 
weapon. On many women in America the militant movement 
of England had produced a profound, impression. 

A new note had crept into the speeches made by the mem- 
bers of the Woman's Party — the note of this impatience and 
resentment. It will be remembered that Mrs. Kent told the 
President that the women voters of the West were accus- 
tomed to being listened to with attention by politicians, and 
that they resented the effort to make it seem that they were 
merely trying to bother a very busy official. Mrs. Blatch 
had told him that the time had gone by when she would 
stand on street corners i and ask the vote from every Tom, 
Dick, and Harry ; that she was determined to appeal instead 
to the men who spoke her own language and who had in 
charge the affairs of the government. 

Doris Stevens, in an interview in the Omaha Daily News 
for June 29, 1918, voices perfectly what her generation was 

A successful young Harvard engineer said to me the other 
day, " I don't believe you realize how much men objected to 
your picketing the White House. Now I know what I'm talking 
about. I've talked with men in all walks of life, and' I tell you 
they didn't approve of what you women did." 

This last with warmer emphasis and a scowl of the brow, " I 
don't suppose you were in a position to know how violently men 
felt about it." 

I listened patiently and courteously. Should I disillusion 
him ? I thought it was the honest thing to do. " Why, of course 


men didn't like it. Do you think we imagined they would? 
We knew they would disapprove. When did men ever applaud 
women fighting for their own liberty.'' We are approved only 
when we fight for yours ! " 

" You don't mean to say you planned to do something knowing 
men would not approve ? " 

I simply had to tell him, " Why, certainly ! We're just be- 
ginning to get confidence in ourselves. At last we've learned to 
make and stand by our own judgments." 

" But going to jail. That was pretty shocking." 

" Yes, indeed it was. It not only shocked us that a govern- 
ment would be alarmed enough to do such a thing, but what was 
more to the point, it shocked the entire country into doing some- 
thing quickly about Woman Suffrage." 

It will: be seen by the foregoing pages of this book that 
Suffragists had exhausted every form of Suffrage agitation 
known to the United States. In particular, they had sent 
to the President every kind of deputation that could possibly 
move him. 

They decided to send him a perpetual deputation. 

Alice Paul, in explanation of her strategy in this matter, 
uses one of the vivid figures that are so typical of her : " If 
a creditor stands before a man's house all day long, de- 
manding payment of his bill, the man must either remove 
the creditor or pay the bill." 

At first, the President tried to remove the creditor. Later 
he paid the bill. 

At ten o'clock on January 10, 1917, the day after the 
deputation to the President, twelve women emerged from 
Headquarters and marclied across Lafayette Square to the 
White House. Four of them bore lettered banners, and 
eight of them carried purple, white, and gold banners of the 
Woman's Party. They marched slowly — a banner's length 
apart. Six of them took up their stand at the East gate, 
and six of them at the West gate. At each gate — standing 
between pairs of women holding on high purple, white, and 
gold colors — two women held lettered banners. 


One read: 


The other read: 


These were the first women to picket the White House. 

The first picket line appeared on January 10, 1917; the 
last, over a year and a half later. Between those dates, 
except when Congress was not in session, more than a thou- 
sand women held lettered banners, accompanied by the pur- 
ple, white, and gold tri-colors, at the White House gates, 
or in front of the Capitol. They picketed every day of the 
week, except Sunday; in all kinds of weather, in rain and 
in sleet, in hail, and in snow. All varieties oi women picketed : 
all races and religions ; all cliques and classes ; all professions 
and parties. Washington became accustomed to the digni- 
fied picture — ^the pickets moving with a solemn silence, al- 
ways in a line that followed a crack in the pavement ; always 
a banner's length apart ; taking their stand with a precision 
almost military; maintaining it with a movelessness almost, 
statuesque. Washington became accustomed also to the 
rainbow splash at the White House gates — "like trumpet 
calls," somebody described the banners. Artists often spoke 
of the beauty of their massed color. In the daytime, those 
banners gilded by the sunlight were doubly brilliant, but at 
twilight the effect was transcendent. Everyvifhere the big, 
white lights — set in the parks on such low standards that 
they seemed strange, luminous blossoms, springing from the 
masses of emerald green shrubbery — filled the dusk with 
bluish-white splendor, and, made doubly colorful by this 
light, the long purple, white, and gold ribbon stood out 
against a back-ground beautiful and appropriate; a mosaic 
on the gray of the White House pavement ; the pen-and-ink 
blackness of the White House iron work; the bare, brown 


crisscross of the White House trees, and the chaste colonial 
simplicity of the White House itself. 

With her abiding instinct for pageantry and for telling 
picturesqueness of demonstration, Alice Paul soon punctu- 
ated the monotony of the picketing by special events. 
Various States celebrated State days on the picket line. 
Maryland was the first of these, and the long line of Mary- 
land women bearing great banners, extended along Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue the entire distance from the East gate to the 
West gate. Pennsylvania Day, New York Day, Virginia 
Day, New Jersey Day, followed. The Monday of every 
week was set aside finally for District of Columbia Day. 

The New York delegation carried on their banners phrases 
from President Wilson's book. The New Freedom. 



On College Day, thirteen colleges were represented, the 
biggest group from Goucher College, Baltimore. Then came 
Teachers' Day; Patriotic Day, and Lincoln Day. On 
Patriotic Day, one of the banners read: 


On Lincoln Day, they said: 








On Sunday, February 18, came Labor Day on the picket 
line. It was, of course, impossible for wage-earning women 
to picket the White House on any other day. They repre- 
sented not only office workers, but factory workers from the 
great industrial centers. Many of them had come from 
other cities. 

Susan B. Anthony's birthday, February 15, was celebrated 
impressively, although it rained and snowed heavily. Three 
new banners appeared that day. The first — big enough and 
golden enough even to suit that big, golden woman — bore 
quotations from Susan B. Anthony: 


The Second Susan B. Anthony banner said : 


The third Susan B. Anthony banner said: 


On March 2, 1917, the Congressional Union and its West- 
ern organization, the Woman's Party, met in joint conven- 
tion and organized themselves into the National Woman's 

On that occasion, Alice Paul said: 


We feel that by combining the Congressional Union and the 
Woman's Party we shall bring about a unity in organization 
which will make impossible duplication, difference of opinion, 
and divergence of method. By uniting we make, moreover, for 
unity of spirit in the whole Suffrage movement, bringing the 
voters and non-voters together in a movement in which they should 
both be integral parts. 

The original purpose for which the Woman's Party, as an 
organization confined to women voters alone, was formed, has, 
we believe, been served. In the first three years of our work we 
endeavored to call the attention of political leaders and Congress 
to the fact that women were voting and that these voting women 
were interested in Suffrage. But words alone did not have much 
effect. We found we had to visualize the existence of voting 
women out in the West and their support of the Suffrage Amend- 
ment. The Woman's Party was formed as one means of doing 

The Woman's Party did, I believe, have an effect on the 
political leaders. It was very clear, I think, at the convention in 
Chicago and in St. Louis that the idea that women were voting 
and that those women were interested in the Federal Amend- 
ment was at last appreciated. This November's election com- 
pleted our work in getting that fact into the minds of Congress- 
men and political leaders. There is no longer any need to draw 
a line a,round women voters and set them off by themselves in 
order to call attention to them. They now enter into the calcula- 
tions of every political observer. 

If we amalgamate and make ourselves one great group of 
voters and non-voters all working for the Federal Amendment, 
the question arises: What name shall we be called by, the Con- 
gressional Union or the Woman's Party? Our Executive Com- 
mittee felt that we ought to keep the name of the Woman's 
Party, because it stands for political power. 

The objections brought against this are, I think, two. First, 
that non-voters should not, according to custom, be part of a 
political Party ; second, that if they are included, that Party will 
not command as much respect as would a Party composed solely 
of voters. There are non-voters in the Socialist, the Progressive, 
and the Prohibition Parties; there is no reason why, if we are 
interested in precedent and custom, they should not be in our 
Party also. As to the second point: The Congressional Union 
has the reputation of being an active, determined, and well- 
financed organization. When the political world realizes that 
this young Woman's Party has been strengthened by tie influx 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

Wage Earners Picketing the White House, February, 1917. 


of twenty-five thousand workers of the Congressional Union 
ready to give their service and money it will consider that the 
Woman's Party stands for more power than if formed of the 
women of the Western States only. 

All of us in the Congressional Union feel an affection for it. 
But that is no reason for continuing the organization. The Con- 
gressional Union has served a useful purpose, we believe. But 
now that we have created the Woman's Party we ought, it seems 
to me, to develop and make that the dominant Suffrage factor in 
this country because that, through its name and associations, 
throws the emphasis more than does the Congressional Union 
on the political power of women. 

The following officers were elected unanimously at the 
morning session : Chairman of the National Woman's Party, 
Alice Paul ; Vice-Chairman, Anne Martin ; Secretary, Mabel 
Vernon ; Treasurer, Gertrude Crocker. The executive board 
elected were: Lucy Burns, Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, Mrs. 
J. W. Brannan, Mrs. Gilson Gardner, Abby Scott Baker, 
Mrs. William Kent, Maud Younger, Doris Stevens, Florence 
Bayard Hilles, Mrs. Donald Hooker, Mrs. J. A. H. Hop- 
kins, and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis. 

At that Convention, various resolutions were passed; the 
most notable in regard to the attitude of the National 
Woman's Party towards the rapidly developing war situa- 
tion. That resolution runs as follows: 

Whereas the problems involved in the present international 
situation, affecting the lives of millions of women in this country, 
make imperative the enfranchisement of women. 

Be it resolved that the National Woman's Party, organized for 
the sole purpose of securing political liberty for women, shall 
continue to work for this purpose until it is accomplished, being 
unalterably convinced that in so doing the organization serves 
the highest interests of the country. 

And be it further resolved that to this end we urge upon the 
President and the Congress of the United States the immediate 
passage of the National Suffrage Amendment. 

It was decided to present these resolutions to the Presi- 
dent. Shortly after, Dudley Field Malone, Collector of the 


Port of New York, on behalf of the Woman's Party, in- 
formed the President that a deputation would visit him for 
that purpose. 

This demonstration was not so much a protest at the 
failure of the first administration to pass the Anthony 
Amendment, or at the adjournment of Congress without pass- 
ing it, as a presentation of the demands of the National 
Woman's Party immediately upon the opening of President 
Wilson's second term. 

During the first three days in March, Washington filled 
steadily with inauguration crowds. When they got off the 
train, the Great Demand banner of the National Woman's 
Party confronted them, and girls handed them slips inviting 
them to the demonstration of the National Woman's Party 
at the White House on Inauguration Day and to the mass- 
meeting of the National Woman's Party to be held that 
night. Girls als.o stood in theatre lobbies, handing out mor« 
of these slips. Girls made the rounds of the government de- 
partments, handing out still more. Everywhere great 
posters said: 


Inauguration Day dawned a day of biting wind and slash- 
ing rain. 

Outside Headquarters was turmoil; inside a boiling ac- 
tivity. Hundreds of women were preparing to picket the 
White House. To accommodate them, a rubber company, 
hastily summoned, had commandeered one room and was 
selling rain-coats; tarpaulin hats; rubbers. 

An extraordinary, a magnificent demonstration followed. 
To the music of several bands, nearly a thousand pickets 
circled the White House four times — a distance of four 
miles. Vida Milholland, the younger sister of Inez Milhol- 
land, marched at the head, carrying on a golden banner her 
sister's last words for Suffrage. 



The Great Demand banner followed, carried by Mrs. 
Benton Mackaye: 


Beulah Amidon carried the Suffrage banner which Inez 
Milholland bore in the first Suffrage procession in New 

Forward, Out Of Darkness, 
Leave Behind The Night. 
Forward Out Of Error, 
Forward Into Light. 

Behind there came hundreds of women bearing the purple, 
white, and gold. They were divided according to States ; 
and before each division marched the State flag of the divi- 
sion. The drenching rain fell steadily. The pavements 
turned to shallow lakes, and the banners — ^their brilliancy 
accentuated by the wet — ^threw long, wavy reflections on the 
glassy, gray streets. They were of course expecting this 
demonstration at the White House, and, as though it were 
dangerous, unusual precautions had been taken against it. 
Every gate was locked. The Washington force of police 
officers, augmented by police from Baltimore and by .squads 
of plain-clothes men, guarded the grounds without and 
within. Gilson Gardner said the President seemed to think 
the women were going to steal his grass roots. 

There was no one at the locked gates to receive the women 
or the resolutions except the guards ; these guards protested 
that they had not been ordered to receive either. The women 
visited every gate, but received the same answer. The cards 
of the leaders were finally handed over to a guard to present 
at the White House. He tried to deliver them, but was 
reprimanded for leaving his post, and sent back. Learning 


that the cards would be delivered at the end of the day, as 
is the custom with visiting-cards of casual visitors at the 
White House, the thousand pickets took up their march 

Gilson Gardner wrote of this demonstration : 

The weather gave this affair its character. Had there been 
fifteen hundred women carrying banners on a fair day, the sight 
would have been a pretty one. But to see a thousand women — 
young women, middle-aged and old women — and there were 
women in the line who had passed their three score and ten — 
marching in a rain that almost froze as it fell ; to see them 
standing and marching and holding their heavy banners, mo- 
mentarily growing heavier — holding them against a wind that 
was half gale — hour after hour, until their gloves were wet, their 
clothes soaked through; to see them later with hands sticky 
from the varnish from the banner poles — bare hands, for the 
gloves had by this time been pulled off, and the hands were blue 
with cold — ^to see these women keep their lines and go through 
their program fully, losing only those who fainted or fell from 
exhaustion, was a sight to impress even the dulled and jaded 
senses of one who has seen much. 

One young woman from North Dakota I saw clinging to the 
iron pickets around the White House, her banner temporarily 
abandoned, fighting against what was to her a new feeling, 
faintness resulting from the pain in her hands. She was 
brought to the automobile in which I was riding before she 
actually fell to the ground; but after a short rest she was back 
in the line, and finished with the others. 

There is no doubt that what Gilson Gardner said was 
true — the weather gave this affair its character. 

People passing by, thrilled by the gallantry of the 
marchers, joined the procession. And as Gilson Gardner 
says, it was not because it was a pretty sight, or because 
these women were all young. Anna Norris Kendall of Wis- 
consin, seventy-two years old, and the Rev. Olympia Brown, 
eighty-two years old, one of the pioneer Suffragists of the 
country, both took part. 

That day, a newly elected Congressman drove about 
Washington, showing the city to his wife. He had always 

The Thousand Pickets Try Vainly to Deliver Their Reso- 
lutions TO THE President, March 4, 1917. 

A Thousand Pickets Marching Around the White House, 
March 4, 1917. 


been a Suffragist. She had always been an anti-Suffragist. 
The sudden sight of the thousand women marching in the 
rain not only converted her, but it produced such an effect 
on her she burst into tears. 

Later, President Wilson sent a letter to the National 
Woman's Party, acknowledging the resolutions presented 
to him by the deputations of March 4, and concluded : " May 
I not once more express my sincere interest in the cause of 
Woman Suffrage?" 

Congress adjourned on March 3, 1917. The pickets ad- 
journed with it. On April 2, a Special War Session of Con- 
gress convened. The Suffragist gives an interesting descrip- 
tion of that interesting day. 

Just half an hour before Congress formally opened, the 
Suffrage sentinels at the Capitol took their places! . . . There 
was tensity in the atmosphere. The Capitol grounds were over- 
run with pacifists from many cities wearing white-lettered 
badges.; and with war advocates, as plainly labeled, with 
partisan demands. They swarmed over the Capitol grounds 
unmolested, though extra precautions were taken throughout the 
day and in the evening when troops of cavalry were called out. 
The silent sentinels stood unmoved the while for democracy 
while peace and war agitation eddied around them. 

The pickets convened with Congress. They continued to 
stand at the gates of the White House, but they extended 
their line to the Capitol. Three pickets, led by Elsie Hill, 
took up their station by the House entrance and three by 
the Senate entrance. At night — this evoked from the news- 
papers sly allusions to the Trojan horse — ^they used to store 
their banners in the House Office Building. 

On April 7, the United States declared itself to be at war 
with Germany. 

After war was declared, the Woman's Party continued — 
and continued with an increasing force and eloquence — to 


demand the enfranchisement of the women of the United 
States by Constitutional Amendment. This brought down 
upon their heads a storm of criticism ; antagonism ; hostility. 
But Alice Paul was not deflected by it from her purpose. 
She recalled that, at the outbreak of the Civil War, Suffra- 
gists of that day, were entreated to relinquish their Suffrage 
work in favor of war work. They were promised that, at 
the end of the war, they would be enfranchised. Susan B. 
Anthony complied with great reluctance, carried on, against 
her will, by the majority of those who surrounded her. 

At the end of the war, the black man was enfranchised. 
The white women had been asking for the vote ever since. 

Every effort was made to shake this young leader in her 
fearless stand. All kinds of people came to her and begged 
her to give up the picketing. One strong friend, a news- 
paper man, said, " It's as though you opened the windows 
and said, ' There's a nice big cyclone coming. Come out of 
your cyclone-cellars, girls, and let's go in it ! ' " Denuncia- 
tions, violence, mobs, murders were predicted. 

There was no officer of the National Woman's Party who 
did not realize what it meant to go on with such a fight at 
such a time. 

They determined, whatever befell, not to lower their ban- 
ners ; to hold them high. 

Alice Paul announced in the editorial columns of the Suf- 
fragist, that members of the Woman's Party would, if they 
so desired, work for war through various organizations, espe- 
cially organized for war work, but that the Woman's Party 
itself would continue to work only for the enfranchisement 
of women. 

The eyes of the world were now turned on the White 
House. Distinguished men from all over the country visited 
the President, Foreign missions came one after another. 


Picturesque events continued to happen on the picket line. 
Arthur Balfour, the leader of the British Mission, called at 
the White House to pay his respects. He was confronted 
with forty pickets. TJ"heir banners were inscribed with the 
President's own words: 




IN THEiE OWN GOVERNMENTS. — President Wilson's War Mes- 
sage, April 2, 191T. 

This quotation from the President's worids became a 
slogan among the Suffragists. 

The pickets recalled that when Arthur Balfour used to 
emerge into Downing Street, where the English militants 
were producing a demonstration, he always wore a bunch of 
violets in his buttonhole, to show his sympathy with them. 

The spring brought its usual beautiful metamorphosis to 
Washington. If the pickets had seemed bejautiful in the 
winter, they were quadruply so when the fresh green came. 
Everywhere that luxuriance of foliage, exquisitely tender and 
soft, which marks Washington, made an intensive background 
for their great golden banners and their tri-color. The 
pickets found it a delightfully humorous coincidence that, 
when they came to take up their station at the White House, 
the White House lawns were ablaze with their tri-color — the 
white of hyacinths, the purple of azalea, and the gold of 
fprsythea. The Little White House itself was not exempt 
from this burst of bloom. The huge wistaria vine on its turned to a purple cascade; and out of it spirted 
the purple, white, and gold of their tri-color and the red, 
white, and blue of the national banner. When the French 
Commission, including Joffre and Viviani, passed all this 
massed color, they leaped to their feet, waving their hats 
and shouting their approval. 


On June 20, the Mission headed by Bakmetief, sent by 
the new Russian Republic which had just enfranchised its 
women, was officially received by President Wilson. When 
they reached the White House gates, they were confronted 
by a big banner — since known as the " Russian " banner — 
borne by Lucy Burns and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis. 




The appearance of this banner produced strange results. 
A man standing at the White House gates leaped at it — ^the 
instant the Russian Mission had vanished — and tore the sign 
from its supports. 

The crowd closed in around them. The two women con- 
tinued to stand facing them. Nina Allender, who saw this 
from across the street, said that the surging back and forth 
of straw hats as the crowd closed in upon the women gave 
her a sense of faintness. " One instant the banners were 
there, the next there were only bare sticks." 

Later, a prominent member of the Mission said to a no less 
prominent American, " You know, it was very embarrassing 
for us, because we were in sympathy with those women at 
the gates." 

The next day, June 21, Lucy Bums and Katherine Morey 
carried a banner which was the duplicate of the one borne 
the day before to the lower White House gate. Before 
they could set it up some boys destroyed it. The police did 


not interfere; they looked placidly on. Immediately other 
banners were sent off from Headquarters. Hazel Hunkins 
carried one which said harmlessly : 


The crowds gathered and surged up and down the street 
but the two pickets stood motionless. Nothing happened for 
a while. Then a man, who stopped to congratulate Miss 
Hunkins, was applauded by the crowd. It is an interesting 
example of mob psychology that after this applause such 
an incident as happened five minutes later could happen. A 
woman of the War Department, who had been boasting that 
morning in her office that she was going to do this, attacked 
Hazel Hunkins. She tore the banners and spat on them. 
The avenue was crowded with government clerks and they 
immediately fell on the banners and destroyed them after 
a struggle. Katherine Morey, who was lunching at Head- 
quarters, says in almost Bunyanesque language : " And I 
heard a great roar." She ran towards the White House 
gates and saw that the mobs had charged the pickets, had 
torn the banners into shreds. The mob then rushed to the 
other gate, picketed by Catherine Lowry and Lillian Crans. 
After a struggle, their banners also were destroyed. Lillian 
Crans ran to Headquarters for another banner, carrying 
the news of what had happened. , 

Immediately, there emerged from the Little White House 
four women led by Mabel Vernon, carrying purple, white, 
and gold banners. It was a moment of tension, and the 
pickets were white-faced with that tension. This silent, per- 
sistent courage had, however, its inevitable effect on the 
crowd. It fell back. Before it could recover from its in- 
terval of indecision, the police met the groups of girls, and 
conducted them to their places. Police reserves ultimately 
appeared, and cleared the crowd from Pennsylvania Avenue. 
The pickets kept guard the rest of the day in peace. One 
of them even did her war-time knitting. 

About this time a prominent newspaper man was sent to 


Alice Paul by the powers that be, on a mission of interven- 
tion. He told her it was feared the President might be 
assassinated by some one in the crowds that the pickets 

" Is the Administration willing to have us make this pub- 
lic.'"' Alice Paul asked. 

" Oh, no ! " was the answer. 

Alice Paul replied, " The picketing will go on as usual." 

So now Major Pullman, Chief of Police for the District 
of Columbia, called at Headquarters. He told Alice Paul 
that if the pickets went out again they would be arrested. 
Alice Paul answered in effect: 

" Why has picketing suddenly become illegal? Our 
lawyers have assured us all along that picketing was legal. 
Certainly it is as legal in June as in January." She con- 
cluded, " The picketing will go on as usual." 

Major Pullman then tpld her again that the pickets would 
be arrested if they went out. 

Alice Paul replied, " The picketing will go on as usual." 

The next morning, June 22, Mis^ Paul telephoned Major 
Pullman that the pickets were goipg out with the banners. 
Rows of policemen stood outside ,. Headquarters. However, 
that did not daunt the pickets. ' Suffragists began to come 
out; return; emerge again. AU this made so much coming 
and going that, when Mabel Vernon appeared, carrying a 
box under her arm, nobody paid any attention. That box, 
however, contained a banner. Miss Vernon crossed to the 
park and sat down. Presently Lucy Burns came out of 
Headquarters and walked leisurely in one direction; a little 
later Katherine Morey came out, and strolled in another 
direction. At a given moment these two women met at the 
East gate of the White House. Mabel Vernon joined them 
with the banner. They set it up and stood undisturbed in 
front of the White House for several minutes. Suddenly one 
of the policemen caught sight of them : " The little devils ! " 
he exclaimed: "Can you beat that!" 


The banner carried the President's own words : " We shall 
fight for the things, etc." 

The day before the police had been in a bad quandary. 
Now they were in a worse one: it did not seem reasonable 
to arrest suqh a banner. One policeman did, however, start 
to do so. " My God, man, you can't arrest that," another 
policeman remonstrated. " Them's the President's own 
words." They did make the arrest, though — after seven 
minutes of indecision. When the prisoners arrived at the 
police station Lucy Burns asked what the charge was: 
" Charge ! Charge ! " the policeman said, obviously much 
puzzled : " We don't know what the charge is yet. We'll 
telephone you that later." 

These two, Lucy Burns and Katherine Morey, were the 
first of the long list of women to be arrested for picketing 
the White House. They were, however, never brought to 

2. The Peaceful Reception 


If any one says to me: "Why the picketing for Suffrage? " I 
should say in reply, "Why the fearless spirit of youth? Why 
does it exist and make itself manifest? " 

Is it not really that our whole social world would be likely 
to harden and toughen into a dreary mass of conventional nega- 
tions and forbiddances — into hopeless layers of conformity and 
caste, did not the irrepressible energy and animation of youth, 
when joined to the clear-eyed sham-hating intelligence of the 
young, break up the dull masses and set a new pace for laggards 
to follow? 

What is the potent spirit of youth? Is it not the spirit of 
revolt, of rebellion against senseless and useless and deadening 
things? Most of all, against injustice, which is of all stupid 
things the stupidest? 

Such thoughts come to one in looking over the field of the 
Suffrage campaign and watching the pickets at the White House 
and at the Capitol, where sit the men who complacently enjoy the 
rights they deny to the women at their gates. Surely, nothing 
but the creeping paralysis of mental old age can account for the 
phenomenon of American men, law-makers, officials, adminis- 
trators, and guardians of the peace, who can see nothing in the 
intrepid young pickets with their banners, asking for bare jus- 
tice but common obstructors of traffic, naggers — nuisances that 
are to be abolished by passing stupid laws forbidding and 
repressing to add to the old junk-heap of laws which forbid and 
repress? Can it be possible that any brain cells not totally 
crystallized could imagine that giving a stone instead of bread 
would answer conclusively the demand of the women who, be- 
cause they are young, fearless, eager, and rebellious, are fighting 
and winning a cause for all women — even for those who are timid, 
conventional, and inert? 

A fatal error — a losing fight. The old stiff minds must give 
way. The old selfish minds must go. Obstructive reactionaries 
must move on. The young are at the gates ! 

Lavinia Dock. 
The Suffragist, June 80, 1917. 


This hostility in June had worked up suddenly after the 
five quiet months, during which the Woman's Party had been 
peacefully picketing the White House. Perhaps their im- 
munity was at first due to the fact that when the picketing 
in January began, the people in Washington did not expect 
it to last. " When the rain comes, they will go," Washing- 
tonians said, and then, as the line still continued to appear, 
" When the snow comes, they will go." But, instead of 
going with the rain, the pickets waited for Smith, the 
janitor, to bring them slickers and sou'westers. And instead 
of leaving with the snow, they only put on heavier coats. 
The pickets became an institution. 

It is true, too, that, though that picket line was a surprise 
to every one (and to many a shock) to some it was a joke. 

There was one Congressman, for instance, who took it 
humorously. He said to Nina AUender, when the Suffragists 
began to picket the Special War Session of Congress : 

" The other day, a man covered the gravestones in a cemetery 
with posters which read : ' Rise up ! Your country needs you ! ' 
Now that was poor publicity. I consider yours equally poor." 

" But," replied Mrs. AUender, " we are not picketing a grave- 
yard. We are picketing Congress. We believe there are a few 
live ones left there." 

The Congressman admitted that he had laid himself wide 
open to this. 

But, from the very beginning, there were those who did 
not consider it a joke. The first day the pickets appeared, 
a gentleman — old and white-haired — stopped to stare at the 
band of floating color. He read the words : 


Then he took off his hat, and held it off, bowing his white 
head to each of the six silent sentinels. Having passed them, 
he covered his head again. But he repeated this reverential 
formality as he passed the six women at the other gate. 

One Washingtonian took his children out to see the picket 


line. He told them he wanted them to witness history in the 

That first day when the President came out for his daily 
afternoon drive, he seemed utterly unaware of the pickets; 
but the next day he laughed with frank good nature as he 
passed, and thereafter he too bared his head as he drove 
between them. 

It was the intention at first for these sentinels to keep 
complete silence. But, as the throngs hurrying past began 
to question them, continued to question them, conversation 
became inevitable. 

The commonest question, of course, was, " Why are you 
doing this ? " 

The pickets always answered, " The President asked us to 
concert public opinion before we could expect anything of 
him. We are concerting it upon him." The second most 
popular question was, " Why don't you go to Congress ? " 
The answer, " We have — again and again and again ; and 
they tell us if the President wants it, it will go through." 

That hurrying crowd was made up of many types. In the 
early morning and the late afternoon, government clerks 
predominated. Almost as many were the sight-seers from 
every part of the country. Then there were diplomats, 
newspaper-men, schoolboys, and schoolgirls, and the matinee 
crowds. In the streets came the endless file of motor-cars, 
filled mainly with women going ^o teas. Many people pre- 
tended not to see the sentinels. They would walk straight 
ahead with an impassive expression, casting furtive, side- 
long glances at the banners. Again and again, the pickets 
enjoyed the wicked satisfaction of seeing them walk straight 
into the wire wickets which enclosed the Pennsylvania Avenue 
trees. At first, Congressmen tried not to see what was going 
on. After a while, however, they too stopped to chat with 
the pickets. One Congressman told Mrs. Gilson Gardner 
that he felt there was " something religious about that ban- 
nered picket line ; that it had already become to him a part 
of the modem religion of this country." 


Another Congressman, who had been opposed at first to 
the picketing, called out one day, " That's right. Keep it 
up ! Don't let us forget you for a moment ! " 

All kinds of pretty incidents occurred. Once, Ex-Senator 
Henry W. Blair visited the picket line. He had been a friend 
of Susan B. Anthony, and he made the first speech ever de- 
livered in the Senate in favor of Suffrage. White-haired, 
keen-eyed, walking with a crutch and a stick, he came along 
the line of pickets, greeting each one of them in turn- 
ninety years old. 

" And I, too, have been a picket," said Greneral Sherwood 
to them. 

" I salute you as soldiers in a great revolution," said one 
chance passer-by to the Women Workers' Delegation on 
Labor Day. And — struck apparently by the high spiritual 
quality in the beautiful procession — a woman, a stranger to 
them, remarked to the pickets : " I wonder if you realize what 
a mediaeval spectacle you young women present. You have 
made us realize that this cause is a crusade." 

Workmen digging trenches in the streets discussed the 
matter among themselves. Picketing is an institution very 
dear to the heart of Labor. These men showed their sym- 
pathy by devising and making supports for the banners. 
They offered to make benches for the pickets, but agreed 
with the women when they said that sentinels must stand, 
not sit, at their posts. 

When the Confederate Reunion occurred in Washington, 
many of the feeble, white-haired men in their worn Confed- 
erate grey and their faded Confederate badges, stopped to 
talk with the pickets. I quote the Suffragist: 

"We-all came out early to see the sights," said one. "We 
went three times around this place, and I thought the big house 
in the center was the White House. But we weren't sure — ^not 
until you girls came out with your flags and stood here. ' This 
is sure enough where the President lives,' I said, ' here are the 
Suffrage pickets and there are the purple and gold flags we 
read about down home.' You are brave girls." 


One old soldier, hat off, said, " I have picketed in my time. 
And now it is your turn, you young folks. You have the courage. 
You are going to put it through." 

That was the note many of them sounded. "Girls, you are 
right," a third encouraged them. " I have been through wars, 
and I know. You-all got to have some rights." 

Even the anti-Suffragists were moved sometimes. One of them 
said: " I have never been impressed by Suffragists before, but 
the sincerity you express in being willing to stand here in all 
weathers for the thing you believe in makes me think that there is 
something in the Suffrage fight after all." 

And yet, Suffragists themselves were occasionallj antag- 
onistic. " You have put the Suffrage cause back fifty 
years ! " said one. She little suspected that, within a year, 
the House of Representatives would have passed the Amend- 
ment; within less than two years thereafter the Senate. 

People went further than words. Many paused to shake 
hands. Many asked to be allowed to hold the banners for 
a moment. 

Once a bride and groom — very young — stopped. The 
groom talked to one picket, the bride to another. The man 
said : " I think this is outrageous. I have no sympathy with 

you whatever. I wouldn't any more let my wife " At 

that moment the little bride came rushing up, radiant. " Oh, 
do you mind," she said to her husband, " if I hold one of 
those banners for a while.-"' 

" No, if you want to," the bridegroom answered. 

And she took her stand on the picket line. 

Children stopped to spell out the inscriptions, and some- 
times asked what they meant. 

Once, a group '^f boys from a Massachusetts school in- 
quired what the colors stood for, and asked to have the 
slogan translated. As by one impulse, they lifted their hats 
and said, " You ought to have it now." ' 

Occasionally, distinguished visitors leaving the White 
House would smile their appreciation and approvaL On 
one occasion Theodore Roosevelt beamed vividly on the 


pickets, waving his hat as he passed. As the weather changed 
and the winter storms began, the gaiety in the attitude of 
their audience deepened to a real admiration. With the 
rains, the pickets appeared in slickers and rubber hats. 
This was not, of course, unendurable. But, when the freez- 
ing cold came, often with snow and swirling winds, picketing 
became a real hardship. There were days when it was almost 
impossible to stand on the picket line for more than half 
an hour at a time. At regular intervals, Smith, the janitor, 
assisted at times by a little colored boy, used to appear from 
Headquarters, trundling a wheelbarrow. That wheelbdrrow 
was piled high with hot bricks covered with gunny-sacking. 
He would distribute the bricks among the pickets and they 
would stand on them. An observer said that, when the relay 
of pickets, leaving at the end of the day, stepped down from 
the bricks at the word of command, it was like a line of 
statues stepping from their pedestals. 

But others — ^and sometimes strangers — sought to mitigate 
for the pickets the rigors of the freezing weather. One 
woman, coming regularly every day in her car, brought 
thermos bottles filled with hot coffee. On one occasion, a 
young girl — a passing volunteer — came on picket duty in a 
coat too light and shoes too low. While she stood there, 
a closed limousine drew up to the curb. A woman alighted 
and forced the girl to retire to her car and put on her fur 
coat and her geiiters. The stranger held the banner while 
the warming-up process was going on. She offered to or- 
ganize a committee, made up of older women, who would col- 
lect warm clothing for the pickets. In point of fact, the 
Virginia and Philadelphia branches of the Congressional 
Union presented the pickets with thick gloves, spats, and 
slickers for rainy days. Thousands of men and women 
from all over the country sent suggestions for their 

Official kindness, even, was not lacking. One superlatively 
cold day, an attache of the President invited the whole 
company of pickets into the East Room of the White House. 


The superintendents of the Treasury Building and the 
War Department Annex extended to them similar invita- 

The police were, at the beginning, friendly, not only in 
words but in acts. An officer stopped one day, after tele- 
phoning at the near police box, to say : " You are making 
friends every minute. Stick to it! Do not give up. We 
are with you and admire your pluck." The majority of 
them did not like to do what afterwards they had to do. 

As for the White House guards — they were the cham- 
pions of the pickets. At the outbreak of the war, the White 
House gates were closed for the first time in its history. 
The pickets without often informed the guards within as 
to the kind of vehicle that demanded entrance of them. 
The guards came to treat them as comrades patrolling the- 
same beat. Once, when the pickets were five minutes late, 
one of these guards said : " We thought you weren't coming, 
and we'd have to hold down this place alone." 

When the pickets re-convened with the Special War Ses- 
sion of the Sixty-fifth Congress on April 2, the White House ' 
police were most demonstrative in their welcome. They were 
glad to see them back : they said they had missed them. And 
indeed they had come to look on the women as a kind of 
auxiliary police force. Once, when somebody asked a police- 
man, " When is the President coming out.!" " Mary Gertrude 
Fendall said, " I guess you'd like a dollar for every time 
people ask you that." The policeman answered, " I'd rather 
have a dollar for every time they ask when are the Suf- 
fragists coming out?" The country at large had accepted 
the pickets. The directors of the sight-seeing busses pointed 
them out as one of the city's sights. Tourists said, oftener 
and oftener, " Well, we weren't quite sure where the White 
House was until we saw you pickets." And when these 
tourists used to crowd about the gates, waiting for the 
President's limousine to come out, and the signal was flashed 
that the Presidential motor had started, the guards pressed 
the crowds away. " Back ! " they would order. " Back ! 


Back ! All back but the pickets ! No one allowed inside the 
line but the pickets ! " 

As can be imagined. Headquarters was a busy place dur- 
ing the picketing; and sometimes a hectic one. Later, of 
course, when the arrests began, and mobs besieged it, it 
seethed with excitement. It was not easy always to find 
women with the leisure and the inclination to serve on the 
picket line before the arrests. But, when arrests began and 
imprisonments followed, naturally it became increasingly 

Many members of the Woman's Party in Wa'shington 
looked on their picketing as a part of the day's work. Mrs. 
William Kent, who said that no public service she had ever 
done gave her such an exalted feeling, always excused her- 
self early from teas on Monday. " I picket Mondays from 
two to six," she explained simply. 

Watchers said that those high groups of purple, white, and 
gold banners coming down the streets of Washington were 
like the sails, magically vivid and luminous, of some strange 
ship. They were indeed the sails of a ship — the mightiest 
that women ever launched — but only the women who manned 
those sails saw that ship. 

3. The War on the Pickets 

" I have no son to give my country to fight for democracy 
abroad and so I send my daughter to Washington to fight for 
democracy at home." 

Mrs. S. H. B. Gray of Colorado. 

It will be remembered that the arrest of Lucy Burns and 
Katherine Morey — the first of a series extending over more 
than a year — occurred on June 22. 

On June 23, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Gladys Greiner 
were arrested in front of the White House. On the same day, 
Mabel Vernon and Virginia Arnold were arrested at the 

On June 25, twenty women bore Suffrage banners to their 
stations. The slogans on these banners were : 



Twelve women were arrested. They were : Mabel Vernon, 
Lucy Burns, Gladys Greiner, Katherine Morey, Elizabeth 
Stuyvesant, Lavinia Dock, Berta Crone, Pauline Clarke, Vir- 
ginia Arnold, Maude Jamison, Annie Arniel, and Mrs. Town- 
send Scott. 

On Tuesday, June 26, nine women were arrested for 
carrying the same banners. They included some of the 
women from the day before, and, in addition, Vivian Pierce 
and Hazel Hunkins. 



A high-handed detail of this arrest was that the women 
were overpowered by the police before they had proceeded 
half a block. 

Most of these women were released after each arrest. The 
last six to be arrested were asked to return to court for 

On June 27, six American women were tried in the police 
court of the District of Columbia. 

These women were: Virginia Arnold, Lavinia Dock, 
Maud Jamison, Katherine Morey, Annie Amiel, Mabel 

The women defended themselves. Mabel Vernon, who 
conducted the case, demanded that the banners they had car- 
ried be exhibited in court. It made a comic episode in the 
midst of the court proceedings when the policeman, who 
had been sent for them, returned, bristling all over his per- 
son with banner sticks, and trailing in every direction the 
purple, white, and gold. The courtroom crowd burst out 
laughing when they read the legend: 


There was a technical discussion as to how much side- 
walk space the young women occupied, and how near the 
White House palings they stood. The Suffrage group had 
photographs which showed the deserted pavements at the 
time of the arrests. 

The women cross-examined the police who testified that 
there was no crowd at that time of the morning and that the 
women stood with their backs to the White House fence. 

The Judge said : " If you had kept on moving, you would 
be all right." 

" I find these defendants guilty as charged," was his ver- 
dict, " of obstructing the highway in violation of the police 
regulations and the Act of Congress, and impose a fine of 
twenty-five dollars in each case, or in default of that, three 
days' imprisonment." 


The six young women refused to pay the fine. They were 
each sentenced to three days in the District jail. 

When the first pickets came out of jail, a hundred women^ 
representing many States, gave them a reception breakfast 
in the garden of Cameron House. 

A subsequent chapter will relate the prison experiences 
of these women and of the long line of their successors. 

The next picket line went out on Independence Day, July 
4., 1917. Five women marched from Headquarters bearing 
purple, white, and gold banners. They were: Helena Hill 
Weed, Vida MilhoUand, Gladys Greiner, Margaret Whitte- 
more. Iris Calderhead. Helena Hill Weed carried a banner : 


Following the advice of the Judge, they kept moving. 
Across the street, a crowd had gathered in expectation of 
arrests. Standing about were policemen — a newspaper man 
said twenty-nine. The police walked along parallel with the 
women, and the crowd followed them. As the banner- 
bearers crossed the street to the White House, the police 
seized them before they could get onto the sidewalks. An' 
augmenting crowd surged about them. Some of the on- 
lookers protested, but most of them took their cue from the 
police, and tore the flags away from the women. Apart 
from the pickets, Kitty Marion, who for some weeks had 
been selling the Suffragist on the streets, was attacked by a 
by-stander who snatched her papers away from her, tearing 
one of them up. Miss Marion was arrested. She protested 
at the behavior of her assailant and he was arrested too. 
Hazel Hunkins, who was not a part of the procession, came 
upon a man who had seized one of the banners carried by 
the pickets and was bearing it away. Miss Hunkins at- 
tempted to get it from him, and she also was arrested. 

The police commandeered automobiles, and commenced 
bundling the women into them. 


Immediately another group of women came marching up 
Pennsylvania Avenue on the opposite side of the street. 
This second group contained Mrs. Frances Green, Mrs. 
Lawrence Lewis, Lucile Shields, Joy Young, Elizabeth 
Stuyvesant, Lucy Bums. Joy Young, who is a little crea- 
ture, led this group. They reached the West gate of the 
White House, and there the police arrested them. A Wash- 
ington paper described with great glee how, like a tigress, 
little Joy Young fought to retain her banner, and how 
finally three policemen managed to overpower her. The 
women were booked for " unlawful assembly " all except 
Kitty Marion, who was charged with " disorderly conduct." 

Helena Hill Weed and Lucy Burns cross-examined the 
witnesses on behalf of the women. Mrs. Weed insisted that 
the torn, yellow banner should be brought, into court. 
Throughout the trial, it hung suspended from the Judge's 
bench — governments dekive their jttst powers from the 
CONSENT OP THE GOVERNED. Lucy Bums, examining the 
police officers, asked why citizens carrying banners on June 
21 were protected by the police, and on July 4 arrested for 
doing the same thing. The officer replied that they wer6 
protected on June 21 because he had no orders for that day. 
The orders which came later were, he said, not to allow 
picketing, though he admitted there were no directions about 
seizing banners. The women brought out by skillful cross- 
questioning that it was the action of the police which had 
collected a disorderly crowd, and not the marching of the 
two groups of women ; that at the former trial of a group 
of Suffrage pickets, the Judge himself had declared that 
marching pickets did not violate the law. 

Lucy Burns summed up the case for the Suffragists as 
follows : 

I wish to state first — she said — as the others have stated, that 
we proceeded quietly down the street opposite the White House 
with our banners; that we intended to keep marching; that our 
progress was halted by the police, not the crowd. There was no 
interference on the part of the crowd until after the police had 


arrested us and turned their backs on the crowd. Our contention 
is as others have stated that the presence of the crowd there was 
caused by the action of the police and the previous announcement 
of the police that they would arrest the pickets, and not by our 
action which was entirely legal. 

In the second place I wish to call your attention to the fact 
that there is no law whatever against our carrying banners 
through the streets of Washington, or in front of the White 
House. It has been stated that we were directed by the police 
not to carry banners before the White House, not to picket at 
the White House. That is absolutely untrue. We have received 
only one instruction from the chief of police and that was de- 
livered by Major Pullman in person. He said that we must not 
carry banners outside of Headquarters. We have had no other 
communication on this subject since that time. 

We, of course, realized that that was an extraordinary direc- 
tion, because I don't think it was ever told an organization that 
it could not propagate its views, and we proceeded naturally to 
assume that Major Pullman would not carry out that order in 
action because he would not be able to sustain it in any just 

We- have only been able since to judge instructions by the 
action of the police, and the actions of the police have varied 
from day to day, so that as a point of fact, we don't know what 
the police have been ordered to do — what is going to be done. 
On one occasion we stepped out of Headquarters with a banner — 
the so-called Bussian banner — and it was torn to fragments before 
we had reached the gate of our premises, although Major Pull- 
man had given no notice to us at that time. Another time we 
proceeded down Madison Place with banners, walking in front of 
the Belasco Theatre, and were arrested. Another time we were 
allowed to proceed down Madison Place and the north side of 
the Avenue and were not molested. 

Now the district attorney has stated that on account of the 
action of this court a few days ago, we knew and deliberately 
did wrong. But we were advised then by the Judge — and he 
was familiar with the first offense — that we would have been 
all right if we had kept on walking. On July 4 we kept on 
walking and this is the result of that action. 

I myself was informed on June 22 by various police, that if I 
would keep on walking, my action would be entirely legal. We 
were innocent of any desire to do anything wrong when we left 
our premises. 

It is evident that the proceedings in this court are had for the 


purpose of suppressing our appeal to the President of the United 
States, and not for the purpose of accusing us of violating the 
police regulations regarding traflBc in the District of Columbia. 

The eleven women were found " Guilty," and sentenced to 
pay a fine of twenty-five dollars or to serve three days in 
the District jail. They refused to pay the fine, and were 
sent to jail. The case against Hazel Hunkins was dismissed. 
Kitty Marion was found " Not Guilty," of disorderly con- 

In the meantime, Alice Paul had been seized with what 
looked like a severe illness. A physician finally warned her 
that she might not live two weeks. It was decided, on July 
14, to send her to a hospital in Philadelphia for treatment. 
The day before she left, a meeting of the Executive Board 
was held at her bedside in the Washington hospital. Al- 
though later diagnosis proved more favorable, and Miss Paul 
was to be away from Washington only a month, many of the 
women present at that meeting believed that they woul4 
never see her again. That was a poignant moment, for the 
devotion of her adherents to their leader can neither be 
described nor measured. But they felt that there was only 
one way to serve her if she left them forever and that was 
to carry out her plans. . . . The next day they went out 
on the picket line. 

That next day was the French national holiday — July 14. 
The Woman's Party had, as was usual with them when they 
planned a demonstration, announced this through the press. 

On the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille, therefore, 
three groups of women carrying banners, one inscribed with 
the French national motto: Libekty, EauALixY, Fkatee- 
NiTY, and the Woman's Party colors, marched one after 
another from Headquarters. 

In the first group were Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins, Mrs. Paul 
Reyneau, Mrs. B. R. Kincaid, Julia Hurburt, Minnie D. 
Abbot, Anne Martin. 

In the second group were, Amelia Himes Walker, Florence 
Bayard Hilies, Mrs. Gilson Gardner, Janet Fotheringham. 


In the third group were, Mrs. John Winters Brannan, 
Mrs. John Rogers, Jr., Louise P. Mayo Doris Stevens, 
Mary H. Ingham, Eleanor Calnan. 

A big crowd, attracted by the expectation of excitement, 
had collected outside Headquarters. The police made no 
effort to disperse them. When the first group appeared, 
there was some applause and cheering. They crossed the 
street, and took up their station at the upper gate of the 
White House. As nothing happened to the first group, the 
second group, led by Amelia Himes Walker, emerged from 
Headquarters and took up a position at the lower gate of 
the White House. However, the instant the two groups had 
established themselves, the policemen, who had been making 
a pretense of 'clearing the sidewalks, immediately arrested 

The third group of pickets, however, came forward undis- 
mayed, their fiags high. The crowd applauded them; then 
fell back and permitted the pickets to take their places. The 
police in this third case waited for four minutes, watches in 
hand. Then they arrested the women on the charge of 
" violating an ordinance." 

At the station the sixteen women were booked for " un- 
lawful assembly." On July 17, Judge MuUowney, sentenced 
the sixteen women to sixty days in Occoquan Workhouse on 
the charge of "obstructing traffic." 

A detailed consideration of the treatment of the pickets 
in Occoquan and the Jail is reserved for a later chapter. It 
will, therefore, be stated briefly here that these sixteen women 
were pardoned by the President after three days in Occoquan. 
However, they were submitted to indignities there such as 
white prisoners were nowhere else compelled to endure. 
When J. A. H. Hopkins and Gilson Gardner were per- 
mitted to visit their wives, they did not at first recognize 
them in the haggard, exhausted-looking group of creatures 
in prison garb, sitting in the reception room. One of the 
women, however, seeing her husband, half rose from her 


"You sit down!" Superintendent Whittaker yelled, 
pointing his finger at her. 

J. A. H. Hopkins, who had been a member of the 
Democratic National Campaign Committee of 1916, went 
immediately to the President and told him the conditions 
under which these women were being held. Gilson Gardner, 
a well-known newspaper man who had supported Wilson 
throughout the previous election campaign, wrote a long 
communication to the President on the same subject. 
Dudley Field Malone, Collector of the Port of New York 
and one of the President's closest friends and warmest ad- 
visors, who was later in so gallant a way to show his dis- 
approval of the Suffrage situation, saw the President also. 
President Wilson professed himself as beinjg " shocked " at 
his revelations. He said he did not know what was going on 
at OccoquaQ. 

"After this, Mr. President," Mr. Malone replied, "you 
do know." 

After her release, Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins wanted to find 
out whether this pardon also meant that the President sup- 
ported their Amendment. She therefore wrote him the fol- 
lowing letter: 

Mr DKAR Mb. President: 

The pardon issued to me by you is accompanied by no ex- 
planation. It can have but one of two meanings — either you 
have satisfied yourself, as you personally stated to Mr. Hopkini^, 
that I violated no law of the country, and no ordinance of this 
city, in exercising my right of peaceful petition, and therefore 
you, as an act of justice, extended to me your pardon, or you 
pardoned me to save yourself the embarrassment of an acute and 
distressing political situation. 

In this case, in thus saving yourself, you have deprived me 
of the right through appeal to prove by legal processes that the 
police powers of Washington despotically and falsely convicted 
me on a false charge, in order to save you personal or political 


As you have not seen fit to tell the public the true reason, I 
am compelled to resume my peaceful petition for political liberty. 
If the police arrest me, I shall carry the case to the Supreme 
Court if necessary. If the police do not arrest me, I shall believe 
that you do not believe me guilty. This is the only method by 
which I can release myself from the intolerable and false posi- 
tion in which your unexplained pardon has placed me. 

Mr. Hopkins and I repudiate absolutely the current report 
that I would accept a pardon which was the act of your good 

In this case, which involves my fundamental constitutional 
rights, Mr. Hopkins and myself do not desire your Presidential 
benevolence, but American justice. 

Furthermore, we do not believe that you would insult us by 
extending to us your good-nature under these circumstances. 

This pardon without any explanation of your reasons for its 
issuance, in no way mitigates the injustice inflicted upon me by 
the violation of my constitutional civil right. 
Respectfully yours, 

Alison Tchnbuli. Hopkins. 

After having written this letter, quite alone and at the 
crowded hour of five o'clock in the afternoon, Mrs. Hopkins 
carried a banner to the White House gates, and stood there 
for ten minutes. The banner said : we ask not pardon foe 


and curious crowd gathered, but nobody bothered her. 
While she stood there, the President passed through the 
gates and saluted. 

On Monday, July 23, exactly a month from the time that 
the police had first interfered with the picketing and the 
Suffragists, the daily Suffrage picket was resumed. The 
crowds streaming home in the afternoon from the offices, 
laughed when they saw the banners at the White House 
gates again. Some stopped to congratulate the women. 

Time went on and still the President did nothing about 
putting the Amendment through. As always when it was 
not strikingly brought to his attention, Suffrage seemed to 
pass from his mind. It became again necessary to call his 


attention to the Amendment. Often it seemed as though the 
President's attention could be gained only by calling the 
country's attention to his inaction. 

Within a week appeared a new banner. Elihu Root, the 
Special Envoy of the United States to Russia, had just come 
home from a country which had enfranchised its women. 
With the other members of the American Mission to Russia, 
he called at the White House, and at the gates he was con- 
fronted by these words: 

TO ENVOY root: 







For two hours, Lucy Ewing and Mary Winsor stood hold- 
ing this banner. It attracted the largest crowd that the 
pickets had as yet experienced. But the police managed 
them perfectly — although in the courts there had been plenty 
of testimony that they could not manage similar crowds — 
and without a word of protest — although half a block was 
completely obstructed for two hours. 


The following day saw scenes the most violent in tht his- 
tory of the pickets. This was August 14. Catherine 
Flanagan's story of this period of terror is one of the most 
thrilling in the annals of the Party: 

That day a new banner was carried for the first time by Eliza- 
beth Stuyvesant — the " Kaiser " banner. The banner read: 



I do not remember when Elizabeth took this banner out, but 
I think she was on the four o'clock shift. For a half an hour 
people gathered about the banner. The crowd grew and grew. 
You felt there was something brewing in them, but what, you 
could not guess. Suddenly it came — a man dashed from the 
crowd and tore the banner down. Immediately, one after 
another, the other banners were torn down. As fast as this 
happened, the banner bearers went back to Headquarters; 
returned with tri-colors and reinforcements; took up their sta- 
tions again. Finally the whole line of pickets, bannerless by this 
time, marched back to Headquarters. The crowd, which was 
fast changing into a mob, followed us into Madison Place. As 
the pickets emerged again, the mob jumped them at the very 
doors of Cameron House, tore their banners away from them 
and destroyed them. By this time the mob, which had become a 
solid mass of people, choking the street and filling the park, had 
evolved a leader, a yeoman in uniform, who incited everybody 
about him to further work of destruction. Suddenly, as if by 
magic, a laddet appeared in their midst. A yeoman placed it 
against Cameron House, and accompanied by a little boy, he 
started up. He pulled down the tri-color of the Woman's Party 
which hung over the door. In the meantime, it was impossible for 
us to take any banners out. We locked the door, but two strange 
women, unknown to the Woman's Party, came in. They opened 
a window on the second floor and were about to push the ladder, 
on which the sailor and the little boy still stoodj back into the 
street when Ella Morton Dean drew them away. 

At the other side of the house and at the same moment, another 
member of the crowd climbed up the balcony and pulled down 
the American flag which hung beside the tri-color. Immediately 
Virginia Arnold and Lucy Burns appeared on the balcony carry- 


ing, the one the Kaiser banner and the other the tri-color. The 
crowd began to throw eggs, tomatoes, and apples at them, but the 
two girls stood, Virginia Arnold white, Lucy Burns flushed, but — 
everybody who saw them comments on this — with a look of steady 
consecration, absolutely moveless, holding the tri-color which had 
never before been taken from its place over the door at Head- 

Suddenly a shot rang out from the crowd. A bullet went 
through a window of the second story, directly over the heads of 
two women who stood there — Ella Morton Dean and Georgiana 
Sturgess — and imbedded itself in the ceiling of the hall. The 
only man seen to have a revolver was a yeoman in uniform, who 
immediately ran up the street. By this time Elizabeth Stuy- 
vesant had joined Lucy Burns and Virginia Arnold on the bal- 
cony; others also came. Three yeomen climbed up onto the bal- 
cony and wrested the tri-color banners from the girls. As one of 
these men climbed over the railing, he struck Georgiana Sturgess. 
" Why did you do that ? " she demanded, dumbfounded. The 
man paused a moment, apparently as amazed as she. " I don't 
know," he answered; then he tore the banner out of her hands 
and descended the ladder. Lucy Bums, whose courage is 
physical as well as spiritual, held her banner until the last 
moment. It seemed as though she were going to be dragged over 
the railing of the balcony, but two of the yeomen managed to 
tear it from her hands before this occurred. New banners were 
brought to replace those that had disappeared. 

While this was going on, Katherine Morey and I went out the 
back way of Headquarters, made our way to the White House 
gates, unfurled a Kaiser banner, and stood there for seventeen 
minutes unnoticed. There was a policeman standing beside each 
of us, but when the yeoman who had led the mob and who was 
apparently about to report for duty, tore at the banner, they did 
not interfere. We were dragged along the pavements, but the 
banner was finally destroyed. 

By this time the crowd had thinned a little in front of Head- 
quarters. The front door had been unlocked when we went back. 
Five different times, however, we and others, led always by Lucy 
Burns, made an effort to bear our banners to the White House 
gates again. Always, a little distance from Headquarters, we 
were beset by the mob and our banners destroyed. 

About five o'clock, the police reserves appeared and cleared the 
street. Thereupon, every woman who had been on picket duty 
that day, bearing aloft the beautiful tri-color, went over to the 
White House gates, marched up and down the pavements three 


times. The police protected us until we started home. When, 
however, our little procession crossed the street to the park, the 
crowd leaped upon us again, and again destroyed our banners. 
Madeline Watson was knocked down and kicked. Two men car- 
ried her into Headquarters. 

While the crowd was milling its thickest before Headquarters, 
somebody said to a policeman standing there, " Why don't you 
arrest those men ? " " Those are not our orders," the policeman 

Twenty-two lettered banners and fourteen tri-color flags were 
destroyed that day. 

During all the early evening, men were trying to climb over 
the back fence of the garden to get into Cameron House. None 
of us went to bed that night. We were afraid that something — 
we knew not what — might happen. 

The next 3ay, August 15, was only a degree less violent. 
The Suffrage pickets went on duty as usual at twelve o'clock, 
and picketed all that afternoon. 

All the afternoon yeomen, small boys, and hoodliuns at- 
tacked the women without hindrance. Elizabeth Stuyvesant 
was struck by a soldier who destroyed her flag. Beulah 
Amidon was thrown down by a sailor, who stole her flag. 
Alice Paul was knocked down three times. One sailor 
dragged her thirty feet along the White House; sidewalk in 
his attempts to tear off her Suffrage sash, gashing her neck 
brutally. They were without protection until five o'clock. 

During this time they lost fifty tri-color banners and one 
Kaiser banner. 

The pickets were, of course, constantly going back to 
Headquarters for new banners, and constantly returning 
with them. 

At five o'clock, in anticipation of the President's appear- 
ance, and while still the turmoil was going on, five police 
oflicers quickly and efficiently cleared a wide aisle in front 
of each gate, and as quickly and as efficiently drove the mob 
across the street. The President, however, left by a rear 

On the next day, August 16, the policy toward the pickets 
changed again. Fifty policemen appeared on the scene, and 


instead of permitting Suffragists to be attacked by others, 
they attacked them themselves. Virginia Arnold was set 
upon by three police officers. Before she could relinquish 
her banner to them, her arms were twisted and her hands 
bruised. Elizabeth Stuyvesant, Natalie Gray, and Lucy 
Burns were all severely handled by the police, Elizabeth 
Smith and Ruth Crocker, who were carrying furled flags, 
were knocked down. When men, more chivalrous-minded 
than the crowd, came to their rescue, they were arrested. 

In the late afternoon, the crowd grew denser. The police, 
therefore, ceased their efforts, and waited while the crowd 
attacked the women and destroyed their banners An officer 
threatened to arrest one young woman who defended her 
banner against an assailant. 

" Here, give that up ! " called the second officer to a girl 
who was struggling with a man for the possession of her flag. 

During these days of mob attacks, the pickets had been 
put to it to get outside Headquarters to some coign of van- 
tage where they could stand for a few seconds before the in- 
evitable rush. For the first time in the history of their 
picketing the girls could not carry their banners on poles. 
Either the mobs seized them or the policemen who lined the 
sidewalks outside Headquarters. The pickets carried them 
inside their sweaters and hats, in sewing bags, or pinned 
them, folded in newspapers or magazines, under their skirts. 
One picket was followed- by crowds who caught a gleam of 
yellow at the hem of her gown. When they got to the White 
House, the pickets held the banners in their hands. Lucy 
Burns kept sending out relays with new banners to take the 
place of those which were torn. 

Catherine Flanagan says that on August 16 when the four 
o'clock shift of the picket line started out, Lucy Burns 
pointed to rolls of banners done up in various receptacles and 
said, " Take out as many of these as you can carry and 
keep them concealed until it is necessary to use them." The 
eight pickets distributed the banners in different parts of 
their clothes, and approaching the White House by various 


routes, suddenly lined themselves against the White House 
fence, each unfurling a Kaiser banner at the word of com- 
mand. They were faced by forty policemen, policewomen, 
and secret service men. Instantly the police were on them. 
The pickets held the banners as long as it was physically 
possible — it took three policemen to remove each banner. 
The policemen heaved sighs of relief, as though their work 
for the day was done, turned, and moved to the edge of the 
pavement. Instantly, eight more banners appeared and as 
instantly they fell on the pickets again. This happened 
seven times. As often as the police turned with captured 
banners in their hands, reinforcing pickets in the crowd 
handed fresh banners to the pickets at the gates. Fifty-six 
Kaiser banners were captured this day. When the Kaiser 
banners were exhausted, the eight pickets returned to Head- 
quarters and soon emerged bearing the tri-color. The tac- 
tics of the police changed then. They did not, themselves, 
attack the pickets, but they permitted the crowds to do so. 
In all, one hundred and forty-eight flags were destroyed. 

On August 17, Major Pullman, police head of Washing- 
ton, called upon Alice Paul, and warned her that young 
women carrying banners would be arrested. 

Alice Paul replied, " The picketing will go on as usual." 
In a letter to his friend, Major Pullman, quoted in the 
Suffragist of August 25, Gilson Gardner put the case con- 
cisely and decisively. , . . 

You must see, Pullman, that you cannot be right in what you 
have done in this matter. You have given the pickets adequate 
protection; you have arrested them and had them sent to jail 
and the workhouse, you have permitted the crowds to mob them, 
and then you have had your officers do much the same thing by 
forcibly taking their banners from them. In some of these ac- 
tions, you must have been wrong. If it was right to give them 
protection and let them stand at the White House for five months, 
both before and after the war, it was not right to do what you 
did later. 

You say it was not right and that you were " lenient," when 


you gave them protection. You cannot mean that. The Tightness 
or wrongness must be a matter of law, not of personal discretion, 
and for you to attempt to substitute your discretion is to set up 
a little autocracy in place of the settled laws of the land. That 
would justify a charge of " Kaiserism " right here in our 
Capitol city. 

The truth is, Pullman, you were right when you gave these 
women protection. That is what the police are for. When there 
are riots they are supposed to quell them, not by quelling the 
" proximate cause," but by quelling the rioters. 

I know your police ofiBcers now quite well and I find that they 
are most happy when they are permitted to do their duty. They 
did not like that dirty business of permitting a lot of sailors and 
street riffraff to rough the girls. . . . 

It is not my opinion alone when I say that the women were 
entitled to police protection, not arrest. President Wilson has 
stated repeatedly that these women were entirely withini^their 
legal and constitutional rights, and that they should not have 
been molested. Three reputable men, two of them holding office 
in this Administration, have told me what the President said, 
and I have no reason to doubt their word. ^ If the President has 
changed his mind he has not changed the law or the Constitution, 
and what he said three weeks ago is just as true today. 

In excusing what you have done, you say that the women have 
carried banners with " offensive " inscriptions on them. You 
refer to the fact that they have addressed the President as 
" £aiser Wilson." As a matter of fact, not an arrest you have 
made — and the arrests now number more than sixty — has been 
for carrying one of those " offensive " banners. The women were 
carrying merely the Suffrage colors or quotations from President 
Wilson's writings. 

But suppose the banners were offensive? Who made you 
censor of banners.^ The law gives you no such power. Even 
when you go through the farce of a police court trial, the charge 
is " obstructing traffic," which shows conclusively that you are 
not willing to go into court on the real issue. 

No. As chief of police you have no more right to complain of 
the sentiments on a banner than, you have of the sentiments in 
an editorial in the Washington Post, and you have no more right 
to arrest the banner-bearers than you have to arrest the owner of 
the Washington Post. So long as the law against obscenity and 
profanity is observed, you have no business with the words on 
the banners. Congress refused to pass a press censorship law. 
There are certain lingering traditions to the effect that a people's 


liberties are closely bound up with the right to talk things out 
and those who are enlightened know that the only proper answer 
to words is words. 

During the entire afternoon of that day — ^August 17 — 
the day that Major Pullman called on Alice Paul — the sen- 
tinels stood at their posts. One of the banners read : 


IN WAE time; 
Another : 


At intervals of fifteen minutes — for two hours — ^the 
pickets were told by a captain of police that they would be 
arrested if they did not move. But they held their station. 
At half-past four, the hour at which the thousand of gov- 
ernment clerks invade the streets^ there was enough of a 
crowd to give the appearance that the pickets were " block- 
ing traffic." Lavinia Dock; Edna Dixon; Natalie Gray; 
Madeline Watson; Catherine Flanagan; Lucy Ewing, were 
arrested soon after four o'clock. Their trial lasted just 
forty minutes. One police officer testified that they were 
obstructing traffic. They all refused to pay the ten dollar 
fine, which, though it would have released them, would also 
have been an admission of guilt, and Police Magistrate 
Pugh sentenced them to serve thirty days in the Government 

On August 23, six women appeared at the White House, 
bearing banners. They were, Pauline Adams; Gertrude 
Hunter; Clara Fuller; Kate Boeckh; Margaret Fothering- 
ham ; Mrs. Henry L. Lockwood. All of their banners quoted 
words from the President's works: 




In ten minutes they were all arrested. When they ap- 
peared before Police Magistrate Pugh, Clara Kinsley Fuller 
said in part: 

I am the editor, owner, and publisher of a daily and weekly 
newspaper in Minnesota. I pay taxes to this government, yet 
I have nothing to say in the making of those laws which contrdl 
me, either as an individual or as a business woman. Taxation 
without representation is undemocratic. For that reason, I came 
to Washington to help the Federal Amendment fight. When I 
learned that President Wilson said that picketing was perfectly 
legal, I went on the- picket line and did my bit towards making 
democracy safe at home, while our men are abroad making 
democracy safe for the world. 

Margaret Potheringham, a school-teacher, said: 

I have fifteen British cousins who are in the fighting line 
abroad. Some are back very badly wounded, and others are still 
in France. I have two brothers who are to be in our fighting line. 
They were not drafted; they enlisted. I am made of the same 
stuff that those boys are made of ; and, whether it is abroad or at 
home, we are fighting for the same thing. We are fighting for 
the thing we hold nearest our hearts — for democracy. 

To these pleas, Judge Pugh answered that the President 
was "not the one to petition for justice"; that the people 
of the District virtuously refrained from picketing the 
White House for the vote for themselves " for- fear the mili- 
tary would take possession of the streets." 

I quote the Suffragist of September 2; 

Here is a sample of Judge Pugh's logic: 

" These ladies have been told repeatedly that this law was ample 
to prevent picketing in front of the White House, or anywhere 
-else on the sidewafis of the District of Columbia; that it was 
not the fashion to petition Congress in that way, to stand in front 


of the White House, the President's mansion, to petition some- 
body else, a mile and a half away. The President does not have 
to be petitioned. . . . You ladies observe all the laws that give 
you benefits, property rights that legislatures composed of men 
have passed . . . and those that are aimed at preserving the 
peace and good order of the community you do not propose to 

And much more to the same effect, which proved that Judge 
Pugh knew nothing of the long vigil of the pickets at the doors 
of Congress, and apparently nothing of the President's actual 

Finally he admitted that he did not care to send " ladies of 
standing " to jail, and would refrain if they promised to stop 
picketing, although they were not charged with picketing. In 
the face of the dead silence that followed, he pronounced sen- 
tence: A fine of twenty-five dollars or thirty days at Occoquan 
Workhouse. Every woman refused to pay the fine. 

Attorney Matthew O'Brien represented the women in the Dis- 
trict Court, appealing finally from the judgment of the court. 

On August 28, the same women, with Cornelia Beach, 
Vivian Fierce, Maud Jamison, and Lucy Burns, were again 
arrested, and given the same sentence. An appeal was 
granted them again, the Judge announcing that this was the 
last appeal he would give in the picketing cases until a deci- 
sion had been given by the Court of Appeals. 

On September 4, the day of the parade of the drafted men, 
thirteen women were arrested. They were: Abby Scott 
Baker, Dorothy Bartlett, Annie Arniel, Pauline Adams, 
Mrs. W. W. Chisholm, Lucy Bums, Margaret Fothering- 
ham, Lucy Branham, Julia Emory, Eleanor Calnan, Edith 
Ainge, Maude Malone, Mary Winsor. 

The banner these women bore was inscribed: 


They were sent to Occoquan for sixty days. 
At this vivid interval in the history of the Woman's Party 
occurred a notable incident. 


Dudley Field Malone, who had long been a staunch friend 
of the Woman's Party — and one of the few men who had 
been willing to make a sacrifice for Suffrage — resigned his 
position as Collector of the Port of New York as a protest 
against the intolerable Suffrage situation. This was a beau 
geste on the part of Mr. Malone. There are those who be- 
lieve that that gallant deed will go rolling down the centuries 
gathering luster as it rolls. It had an inevitable effect, not 
only on the members of the Woman's Party, but on the 
members of other Suffrage organizations as well, and it pro- 
duced a profound impression on the country at large. 

His letter of resignation reads as follows : 

The White House, 

Washington, D. C. 
Dear Mr. President: 

Last autumn, as the representative of your Administration, I 
went into the Woman Suffrage States to urge your re-election. 
The most difficult argument to meet among the seven million 
voters was the failure of the Democratic Party, throughout four 
years of power, to pass the Federal Suffrage Amendment, look- 
ing towards the enfranchisement of all the women in the country. 
Throughout those States, and particularly in California, which 
ultimately decided the election by the votes of women, the women 
voters were urged to support you, even though Judge Hughes 
had already declared for the Federal Suffrage Amendment, be- 
cause you and your Party, through liberal leadership, were more 
likely nationally to enfranchise the rest of the women of the 
country than were your opponents. 

And if the women of the West voted to re-elect you, I promised 
them I would spend all my energy, at any sacrifice to myself, to 
get the present Democratic Administration to pass the Federal 
Suffrage Amendment. 

But the present policy of the Administration, in permitting 
splendid American women to be sent to jail in Washington, not 
for carrying offensive banners, nor for picketing, but on the 
technical charge of obstructing traffic, is a denial even of their 
constitutional right to petition for, and demand the passage of, 
the Federal Suffrage Amendment. It, therefore, now becomes 
my profound obligation actively to keep my promise to the 
women of the West. 


In more than twenty States it is a practical impossibility to 
amend the State constitutions; so the women of those States can 
only be enfranchised by the passage of the Federal Suffrage 
Amendment. Since England and Bussia, in the midst of the 
great war, have assured the national enfranchisement of their 
women, should we not be jealous to maintain our democratic 
leadership in the world by the speedy national enfranchisement 
of American women ? 

To me, Mr. President, as I urged upon you in Washington two 
months ago, this is not only a measure of justice and democracy, 
it is also an urgent war measure. The women of the nation are, 
and always will be, loyal to the country, and the passage of the 
Suffrage Amendment is only the first step toward their national 
emancipation. But unless the government takes at least this first 
step toward their enfranchisement, how can the government ask 
millions of American women, educated in our schools and col- 
leges, and millions of American women in our homes, or toiling 
for economic independence in every line of industry, to give up 
by conscription their men and happiness to a war for democracy 
in Europe while these women citizens are denied the right to 
vote on the policies of the government which demands of them 
such sacrifice? 

For this reason many of your most ardent friends and sup- 
porters feel that the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment 
is a war measure which could appropriately be urged by you at 
this session of Congress. It is true that this Amendment would 
have to come from Congress, but the present Congress shows no 
earnest desire to enact this legislation for the simple reason that 
you, as the leader of the Party in power, have not yet sug- 
gested it. 

For the whole country gladly acknowledges, Mr. President, that 
no vital piece of legislation has come through Congress these five 
years except by your extraordinary and brilliant leadership. 
And millions of men and women today hope that you will give 
the Federal Suffrage Amendment to the women of the country 
by the valor of your leadership now. It will hearten the mothers 
of the nation, eliminate a just grievance, and turn the devoted 
energies of brilliant women to a more hearty support of the gov- 
ernment in this crisis. 

As you well know, in dozens of speeches in many States I have 
advocated your policies and the war. I was the first man of your 
Administration, nearly five years ago, publicly to advocate pre- 
paredness, and helped to found the first Plattsburg training 
camp. And if, with our troops mobilizing in France, you will 


give American women this measure for their political freedom, 
they will support with greater enthusiasm your hope and the hope 
of America for world freedom. 

I have not approved all the methods recently adopted by 
women in the pursuit of their political liberty ; yet, Mr. President, 
the Committee on Suffrage of the United States Senate was 
formed in 1883, when I was one year old; this same Federal 
Suffrage Amendment was first intiroduced i^ Congress in 1878; 
brave women like Susan B. Anthony were 'petitioning Congress 
for the Suffrage before the Civil War, and at the time of the 
Civil War men like William Lloyd Garrison, Horace Greeley, and 
Wendell Phillips assured the Suffrage leaders that if they aban- 
doned their fight for Suffrage, when the war was ended the men 
of the nation, " out of gratitude," would enfranchise the women 
of the country ! 

And if the men of this country had been peacefully demanding 
for over half a century the political right or privilege to vote, 
and had been continuously ignored or met with evasion by suc- 
cessive Congresses, as have the women, you, Mr. President, as a 
lover of liberty, would be the first to comprehend and forgive 
their inevitable impatience and righteous indignation. Will not 
this Administration, re-elected to powfip by the hope and faith 
of the women of the West, handsomely reward that faith by 
taking action now for the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amend- 

In the port of New York, during the last four years, billions 
of dollars in the export and import trade of the country have 
been handled by the men of the customs service; their treatment 
of the traveling public has radically changed, their vigilance 
supplied the evidence for the Lusitania note; the neutrality was 
rigidly maintained; the great German fleet guarded, captured, 
and repaired; substantial economies and reforms have been con- 
cluded, and my ardent industry has been given to this great 
office of your appointment. But now I wish to leave these 
finished tasks, to return to my profession of the law, and to give 
all my leisure time to fight as hard for the political freedom of 
women as I have always fought for your liberal leadership. 

It seems a long seven years, Mr. President, since I first cam- 
paigned with you when you were running for Governor of New 
Jersey. In every circumstance throughout those years, I have 
served you with the most respectful affection and unshadowed 
devotion. It is no small sacrifice now for me, as a member of 
your Administration, to sever our political relationship. But I 
think it is high time that men in this generation, at some cost to 


themselves, stood up to battle for the national enfranchisement 
of American women. So in order effectively to keep my promise 
made in the West, and more freely to go into this larger field of 
democratic effort, I hereby resign my o£Sce as Collector of the 
Port of New York, to take effect at once, or at your earliest 

Yours respectfully, 

Dudley Field Malone. 

On September 13, six pickets left Headquarters at half- 
past four in the afternoon. They were: Katherine Fisher, 
Mrs. Frederick Willard Kendall, Mrs. Mark Jackson, Ruth 
Crocker, Nina Samardin, Eleanor Gwinter. The two lettered 
banners were borne by Miss Fisher and Mrs. Kendall: 


They marched straight to the lower gate. A crowd had 
already collected there. Another crowd lined the edge of the 
sidewalk across the street on Lafayette Square. There were 
two police officers on the White House sidewalk, and several 
across the way. 

The crowd made way for the group of pickets, and they 
took their accustomed places at the gate. For a few min- 
utes nothing happened. During all these days of roughness 
and riot, it had been very difficult to take pictures. It 
seemed as though the thing the police most feared was the 
truth. They would not permit the moving-picture men to 
record these vivid events. They even confiscated cameras. 
Photographers ran the risk always of having their cameras 
destroyed. On this day, Gladys Greiner, a Suffragist, was 
taking pictures of the crowd. As she leveled her kodak at 
a police captain, he kicked her. She continued to take her 
pictures nevertheless. A sailor and a marine, both in uni- 
form, instead of moving as the police had ordered, came 
closer and closer to the pickets. Suddenly, the sailor 
snatched the banner from the pole. The two men tore the 


banner into pieces ; passed the scraps to their friends. The 
police looked on without interference. Then they arrested 
the women. They were taken to Judge Mullowny. 

Judge Mullowny had been away for two months from the 
bench. In the meantime, his ideas on the offense of picket- 
ing had undergone another change. His first decision in re- 
gard to the Suffragists was that they obstructed traffic, and, 
in regard to the banners, that they " had nothing to do 
with the case." Later, he decided that the banners were 
" treasonable." Now, in regard to their banner, How Long 
Must Women Wait for Liberty, he decided : " Since this 
banner is unlikely to give offense, I will give you women a 
light sentence this time." 

All evidence except that of the two policemen was ruled 
out. In regard to the conduct of the police captain in kick- 
ing Miss Greiner, the Judge said : " I have nothing to do 
with those things ; they have nothing to do with the case." 

He asked, " Would you pay a fine instead of going to 
prison, if I made the fine fifty cents ? " 

" Not if you made it five cents," replied Mrs. Kendall, who 
spoke for the six prisoners. 

He therefore sentenced them to thirty days in the gov- 
ernment workhouse. 

On September 22, four more Suffragists were arrested. 
They were Peggy Baird Johns, Margaret Wood Kessler, 
Ernestine Hara, Hilda Blumberg. They carried a new ban- 
ner this time, quoting words from an early work of the 
President. It said: 




The Suffragist of September 29 describes this event: 

When the pickets this week took up their stations at the East 
gate of the White House, and unfurled the " seditious " utter- 
ance of the President himself, the banner was almost immediately 
iconfiscated by the two police officers who had hurried to the spot. 
They seemed anxious to keep from the little pressing crowd the 
fact that the President had once been not only a Democrat, but 
a democrat. 

The two officers then stood directly in front of the little group 
of women carrying tri-colored flags, with their backs to what 
crowd there was. More than half of the wide White House 
sidewalks were vacant of pedestrians. The officers had evidently 
been ordered to let the crowd collect for a certain number of 
minutes before they arrested the women. They betrayed not 
the slightest interest in the spectators, but watched their victims 
with bored attention as they waited for the patrol. . . . 

The four young women were, on the following day, after the 
usual court proceeding, sentenced to thirty days in the govern- 
ment workhouse for " obstructing traffic." 

A brief statement was made by each of the little group. " We 
are not citizens," said these young women. " We are not repre- 
sented. We were silently, peacefully attempting to gain the 
freedom of twenty million women in the United States of 
America. We have broken no law. We are guilty of no crime. 
We have been illegally arrested. We demand our freedom, and 
we shall continue to ask for it until the government acts." 

They were given thirty days in the workhouse. 

The last picketing of the Emergency War Session of the 
Sixty-fifth Congress took place on October 6, the day Con- 
gress adjourned. There were eleven women in this picket 
line: Dr. Caroline Spencer, Vivian Pierce, Louise Lewis 


Kahle, Rose Winslow, Joy Young, Matilda Young, Minnie 
Henesy, Kate Heffelfinger, Maud Jamison, Lou C. Daniels. 

Alice Paul led them. Congress was adjourning. The 
work of the Woman's Party was going on smoothly. For 
the first time, Alice Paul felt that she had the leisure to go 
to jail. 

In the Suffragist of October 13, Pauline Jacobson of the 
Scm Francisco Bulletm thus describes their arrest : 

I had had much of the Western prejudice against the " militant 
movement " that the live Sa£frage battle had become in this 
country. I had thought from the newspaper reports that have 
gone forth concerning the action of these " militant Suffragists," 
that " picketing " was rowdy and unlovely. I found it a silent, 
a still thing — a thing sublime. ... 

The sun, which never seems bright to me under these paler 
Eastern skies, slanted chill and thin through the falling golden 
foliage of autumn trees lining the broad avenue on which the 
White House stands. Diagonally across, flying the Suffrage 
colors, stands the handsome old Cameron House, the Head- 
quarters of the Woman's Party. 

Suddenly that chill avenue vista became vibrant with color, 
with fluttering banners, wide-striped of purple, white, and gold, 
borne aloft on tall, imposing, war-like spears. Down the 
Avenue they fluttered slowly, as if moved by some mysterious 
force. Then I saw the force that was sending those banners 
forward through the careless crowds. 

There were eleven women, each bearing high her colored 
banner. The leader, a woman frail, and slight, and very paley 
her eyes and face really lit with exaltation of purpose, carried 
a white flag on which was printed : " Mr. President, what will 
you do for Woman Suffrage ? " Then behind them followed the 
others with the vivid purple and gold flags on the spear-headed 
staffs. They looked neither to the right nor to the left. They 
seemed to me to walk so lightly that the great banners carried 
them; and there was the glow in all of their eyes though their 
faces were quite unsmiling. 

The street in an instant had become alive with people who 
gathered about, followed, or lined the curbs, men and women — 
the women for the most part curious, the men for the most part 
disdainful, insolent, or leering. It was not a Western crowd; 
there was no generosity in it. 

But silently, perceived by all but perceiving none, the women 


marched straight ahead. As they neared the White House a 
sailor sprang forward and tore the banner from one picket, 
threw it on the ground, and trampled on it. The young girl 
who had carried it stooped down and silently rescued her banner. 
I thought there was tenderness in the way she smoothed it out 
and tried to fasten it again to her tall staff. Four banners were 
torn and mutilated like that. Each girl, without a word, like the 
first, tried to protect her flag. 

And then, like a flash, those eleven women, a few feet apart, 
were flanking either side of the wide White House gates like 
living statues, only their colored banners fluttering upward. 
They stood facing the coming and going crowd silently. There 
was the pale little leader with her staff bare ; the crowd had torn 
away that simple question on the white flag. ... 

Then came shouted orders, the sudden waving of blue-coated 
arms, and the elbowing to the front of blue coats with much gold 
braid. The police were scattering the curious crowd. Above 
their orders came the clang of the patrol. Next the eleven 
statues had disappeared from the White House gates. They were 
being crowded to the front by the fat officer in the uniform. 
They were still silent and still proud. There was something 
majestic even in the way each stooped her head to eiiter the 
small door of the patrol wagon. And the last uniformed officer 
who had gathered together the brilliant flags sat in front, where 
they still fluttered triumphant in the wind as the patrol clanged 
off and the crowd shouted. 

I followed them to the police station. It seemed to me there 
was strange delay in the procedure of accepting bail for people 
charged with so simple an offense — for they were charged with 
" obstructing traffic." That same day, I had seen dense crowds 
watching the World Series returns, with mounted police to clear 
a space for the cars. There were no arrests for blocking traffic. 
They were finally released on bail for trial the following Monday. 

The eleven women were tried on October 8. They refused 
to recognize the Court. They would not be sworn. They 
would not question witnesses. They would not speak in their 
own behalf. 

Alice Paul said — I quote the Suffragist: 

We do not wish to make any plea before this Court. We do 
not consider ourselves subject to this Court since, as an unen- 
franchised class, we have nothing to do with the making of the 
laws which have put us in this position. 


The Judge did not sentence the eleven women. He sus- 
pended sentence and restored the bail furnished by the Suf- 
fragists for their appearance. For this surprising change 
of front, no reason was given. Though apparently incon- 
sistent, it was perfectly consistent with the policy of an 
Administration quite dazed and uncertain in regard to its 
treatment of the picketing women. 

In point of fact, the Court did not sentence the women 
because Congress was adjourning. They did not dismiss the 
charge, however. 

Regarding the freeing of the pickets Miss Paul said: 

We are glad that the authorities have retreated at last from 
their untenable position, and grown wary of prosecuting women 
for peacefully petitioning for political liberty. 

The action of the Court this morning makes more glaring than 
ever the injustice of holding nineteen women on sixty and thirty 
day sentences in Occoquan Workhouse for the same offense of 
petitioning for liberty which we committed. We will use our 
unexpected freedom to press our campaign with ever-increasing 

On October 15, four pickets, under suspended sentence 
from their picketing of October 6, went out again. They 
were Rose Winslow, Kate Heffelfinger, Minnie Henesy, Maud 
Jamison. The police were taken absolutely by surprise. It 
was ten minutes before the patrol wagons appeared. In the 
meantime, of course, a crowd gathered to see what was going 
to happen. When the patrol stopped at the curb, an officer 
approached the pickets. " Move on ! " he ordered, and, be- 
fore the pickets could move on, or even make a reply — " I 
will put you under arrest," and immediately, " You are under 
arrest." Rose Winslow, one of the pickets, lifted her ban- 
ner high, and marched with the air of a conqueror to the 
waiting patrol. The crowd burst into spontaneous applause. 

In court Rose Winslow said: 

We have seen officers of the law permit men to assault women, 
to destroy their banners, to enter their residences. How, then, 
can you ask us to have respect for the law? We thought that 


by dismissing ihe Su£Eragists without sentence this Court bad 
finally decided to recognize our legal right to petition the govern- 
ment. We shall continue to picket because it- is our right. On 
the tenth of November there will be a long line of Suffragists 
who will march to the White House gates to ask for political 
liberty. You can send us to jail, but you know that we have 
broken no law. You know that we have not even committed the 
technical offense on which we were arrested. You know that we 
are guiltless. 

Judge Mullowny gave them the choice between a twenty- 
five dollar fine and six months in the district workhouse. 
They, of course, refused to pay the fine. 

At half-past four on October 20, Alice Paul led a depu- 
tation of three pickets to the West gate of the White House. 
The others were Dr. Caroline Spencer, Gladys Greiner, Grer- 
trude Crocker. Alice Paul carried a banner with the words 
of President Wilson which had appeared recently on the 
posters for the Second Liberty Bond Loan of 1917 : 


Dr. Caroline Spencer's banner bote the watchword of '76: 


They were arrested as soon as the police had permitted 
what seemed a sufficient crowd to gather, placed in the patrol 
wagon, and taken to the district jail. 

The officer testified as follows — ^the italics are my own: 

I made my way through the crowd that was surrounding them, 
and told the ladies they were violating the law by Handing at 
the gates, and would not they please move on. 

Assistant District Attorney Hart asked: Did they move on? 

Lee answered: They did not, and they did not answer either. 

Hart: What did you do then? 

Lee: Placed them under arrest. 


The two women who carried the banners — ^Alice Paul and 
Caroline Spencer — were sentenced to seven months in jail; 
the other two pickets were offered the choice of a five dollar 
fine or thirty days, and, of course, took the thirty days. 

On the same occasion, Rose Winslow and those who were 
arrested with her, Maud Jamison, Kate Heffelfinger, 
Minnie Henesy — both on October 4 and October 15 — came 
up for further sentence. Rose Winslow described very 
vigorously the confusion of the Suffragists who, she ad- 
mitted, were not more nonplussed than Judge MuUoWny 
admitted the Court was. She said: 

You sentence us to jail for a few days, then you sentence us 
to the workhouse for thirty days, then sixty, and then you sus- 
pend sentence. Sometimes we are accused of carrying seditious 
banners, then of obstructing traffic. How do you expect us to 
see any consistency in the law, or in your sentences? 

The Court smiled, and pronounced an additional thirty 
days, saying : " First, you will serve six months, and then 
you will serve one month more." 

Alice Paul had been in jail ever since October 20. When 
the news first got out, women came from all over the country 
to join the picket forces. It was decided that on November 
10, forty-one women should go out^on the picket line as a 
protest against her imprisonment. But on the night of No- 
vember 9, these forty-one women — accompanied by sympa- 
thizers and friends — went down to the jail where their leader 
was confined. Headquarters had heard from Alice Paul from 
time to time, and Alice Paul had heard from Headquarters — 
by means of a cleaning-woman in the jail. In her Jailed for 
Freedom^ Doris Stevens tells how she went down to the jail 
and talked to Alice Paul from the yard. Catherine Flanagan 
and Mrs. Sophie Meredith had communicated with her in 
this same manner. And once Vida MilhoUand came and sang 
under her window. But this was the first time that a depu- 
tation visited their imprisoned leader. 


The house in which Warden Zinkham lived was close to 
the wing in which Alice Paul was imprisoned. The leader of 
the delegation, Katherjne Morey, accompanied by Catherine 
Flanagan, went to Zinkham's door and rang the bell; asked 
to see him. They were told that he was ill and could not 
be seen. Immediately, the two girls gave a prearranged 
signal to the silent crowd of pickets back of them. With 
one accord, they ran and grouped themselves under Alice 
Paul's window. Before the guards could rush upon them 
and push them out of the yard, they had managed to call up 
to her their names ; the large sum of money which that day 
had come into the Treasury ; that forty-one of them would 
protest against her imprisonment on the picket line the next 

The next morning, the picket line of forty-one women 
marched from Headquarters in five groups. The first was 
led by Mrs. John Winters Brannan. 

As usual, the pickets bore golden-lettered banners. As 
usual, they bore purple, white, and gold flags. As usual, 
they walked slowly — always a banner's length apart. They 
moved over to Pennsylvania Avenue; took up their silent 
statuesque position at the East and West gates of the White 

The thick stream of government clerks, hastening with 
home-going swiftness, paused to look at them. Involun- 
tarily they applauded the women when they were arrested. 
This happened almost immediately, the police hurrying the 
pickets into the line of waiting patrols. Suddenly the crowd 
raised a shout: 

" There come some more ! " 

The second picket line numbered ten women. 

They also bore golden lettered banners. They also bore 
flags of purple, white, and gold. They were arrested im- 

The applause continued to grow and grow in volume. 


Immediately a third group appeared, and after they had 
been arrested, a fourth; and, on their arrest, a fifth. For 
half an hour a continuous line of purple, white, and gold 
blazed its revolutionary path through the grayness of the 
November afternoon. 

Mary A. Nolan of Florida headed the fifth group of 
pickets. Little, frail, lame, seventy years old, her gallantry 
elicited from the two lines of onlookers applause, cheers, calls 
of encouragement. 

" K)eep right on ! " one voice emerged from the noise. 
" You'll make them give it to you ! " 

The women of the first group were: Mrs. John Winters 
Brannan, Belle Sheinberg, L. H. Hornesby, Paula Jakobi, 
Cynthia Cohen, M. Tilden Burritt, Dorothy Day, Mrs. 
Henry Butterworth, Cora Weeks, Peggy Baird Johns, Eliza- 
beth Hamilton, Ella Guilford, Amy Juengling, Hattie 

The women of the second group were: Agnes H. Morey, 
Mrs. William Bergen, Camilla Whitcomb, Ella Findeisen, 
Lou Daniels, Mrs. George Scott, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, 
Elizabeth McShane, Kathryn Lincoln. 

The women of the third group were : Mrs. William Kent, 
Alice Gram, Betty Gram, Mrs. R. B. Quay, Mrs. C. T. 
Robertson, Eva Decker, Genevieve Williams. 

The women of the fourth group were: Mrs. Charles W. 
Barnes, Kate Stafford, Mrs. J. H. Short, Mrs. A. N. Beim, 
Catherine Martinette. 

The women of the fifth group were: Mrs. Harvey Wiley, 
Alice Cosu, Mary Bartlett Dixon, Julia Emory, Mary A. 
Nolan, Lucy Burns. 

The forty-one women were tried on November 12. They 
were charged with " obstructing traffic," and pleaded " Not 
Guilty." The police sergeants and plain-clothes men gave 
their testimony which was refuted absolutely by witnesses 
for the defendants — Helena Hill Weed, Olivia Dunbar Tor- 
rence, Marie Manning Gasch, Mary Ingham. 

Mrs. John Winters Brannan said: 


The responsibility for an agitation like ours against injus- 
tice rests with those who deny justice, not those who demand it. 
Whatever may be the verdict of this Court, we shall continue our 
agitation until the grievance of American women is redressed. 

Mrs. Harvey Wiley said: 

I want to state that we took this action with great consecra- 
tion of spirit. We took this action with willingness to sacrifice 
our personal liberty in order to focus the attention of the nation 
on the injustice of our disfranchisement, that we might thereby 
win political liberty for all the women of the country. The 
Constitution says that Congress shall not in any way abridge the 
right of citizens peacefully to assembly and petition. That is 
exactly what we did. We peacefully assembled and then pro- 
ceeded with our petition to the President for the redress of our 
grievance of disfranchisement. The Constitution does not specify 
the form of petition. Ours was in the form of a banner. To 
say that we " broke tra£Bc regulations " when we exercised our 
constitutional right of petition is therefore unconstitutional. 

Judge MuUowny admitted the embarrassment of the Ad- 

" The trouble of the situation is that the Court has not 
been given power to meet it," he complained. " It is very, 
very puzzling." 

A little after three o'clock, he dismissed the pickets with- 
out imposing sentence. He said he would take the case under 

An hour later, twenty-seven of the women who had just 
been tried — Vith, in addition, Mrs. William L. Colt, Eliza- 
beth Smith, Matilda Young, Hilda Blumberg — emerged from 
Headquarters. They walked twice up and down in front of 
the White House before they took their places at the 

The police were dumbfounded by their unexpected on- 
slaught. There were no patrols waiting. But they pulled 
themselves together, arrested the pickets, and commandeered 
cars in which to take them to the police headquarters. 

The thirty-one women were ordered to appear in court 
on November 14. There, after waiting all the mom- 


ing, Judge MuUowny told them to come back Friday. 

At Headquarters, it was believed that this was not only a 
challenge to the quality of their spirit, but to the degree 
of their patience. 

Many women had come from a long distance to make this 
protest. Not all could spare the time, money, and vitality. 
Their answer to that challenge was instant and convincing. 
On the afternoon of November 13, the picket line went out 
again — ^thirty-one of them. 

The pickets blazed their way through dense, black throngs. 
The crowd was distinctly friendly. 

Suddenly one of the banners disappeared; another and 
another until six of them were destroyed; the bare poles 
proceeded on their way however. The same person accom- 
plished all this — the uniformed yeoman who dragged Alice 
Paul across thirty feet of pavement on August 15. But 
this time, the crowd — friendly — ^manifested its disapproval, 
and the police arrested him. The pickets stood for a long 
time, their line stretching from gate to gate, until they began 
to think that the Administration had changed its tactics. 
Then suddenly the patrol wagon gong sounded in the dis- 
tance. Presently they were all arrested. 

Many of the pickets had been tried the day before. As 
their bail had not been refunded, they refused to give more. 
They were kept that night in the house of detention. As 
this institution had but two rooms with eight beds each, some 
of the women slept on the floor. They were tried and sen- 
tenced the next day. One of them — ^the aged Mrs Nolan — 
got six days, three fifteen days, twenty-four thirty days, 
two — ^Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Mrs. John Winters Brannan 
— sixty days, and oiie — ^Lucy Burns — six months. 

It was this group of women who went through the Night 
of Terror, subsequently to be described. 

On November 17, three more women — ^Mrs. Harvey Wiley, 
Mrs. William Kent, and Elizabeth McShane — ^were sentenced 
to fifteen days on the November 10 charges. 


All these prisoners except four were sent to the Occoquan 

Habeas corpus proceedings became necessary — owing to 
conditions which will presently be set forth — and a writ was 
procured; but only after numberless obstacles were sur- 
mounted. The case came up in the United States District 
Court at Alexandria, Virginia, with Judge Edmund Waddill 
sitting. Judge Waddill ordered the prisoners transferred 
to the jail on the ground that they should have been con- 
fined there instead of at Occoquan Workhouse. Later the 
Court of Appeals reversed this decision. In the meantime, 
brought to the jail, the government was faced with the 
necessity of forcibly feeding the majority of these women, 
already weakened from hunger-striking. 

Here, perhaps, is the place to tell of a curious incident 
that happened during Alice Paul's jail term. For this to 
strike the reader with the force it deserves, he must remem- 
ber that Alice Paul was held almost incommunicado, that 
she saw but two friends from the outside, and then only for 
a few minutes, that she could not confer with her counsel, 
Dudley Field Malone, who had to overcome extraordinary 
obstacles — ^had finally to threaten habeas corpus proceedings 
and to see high officials who were his personal friends — to 
get to her. Two newspaper men were admitted, but they 
were friendly to the Administration. 

One evening, at nine o'clock — an hour when all the pris- 
oners were supposed to be in bed — ^the door opened and a 
stranger entered her room. He proved to be David 
Lawrence, a newspaper man, very well known as one who 
was closely associated with the Administration. He did not 
say that he had come from the Administration, but, of 
course. It is obvious that if he had not been in favor with 
the Administration, he would not have been admitted. He 
stayed two hours, and Miss Paul talked over the situation 
with him. 

I now quote Miss Younger, who has told this episode on 
many platforms : 


He asked Miss Paul how long she and the other pickets would 
give the Administration before they began picketing again. She 
said it would depend upon the attitude the Administration and 
Congress seemed to be taking toward the Federal Amendment. 
He said he believed the prohibition bill would be brought up 
and passed, and after that was out of the way the Suffrage bill 
would be taken up. 

He asked if we would be content to have it go through one 
House this session and wait till the next session for it to pass 
the other House. Miss Paul said that if the bill did not go 
through both Houses this session, the Woman's Party would not 
be satisfied. 

Then the man said he believed that the President would not 
mention Suffrage in his message at the opening of Congress, but 
would make it known to the leaders of Congress that he wanted 
it passed and would see that it passed. 

He said in effect: Now the great difficulty is for these hunger- 
strikers to be recognized as political prisoners. Every day you 
hunger-strike, you advertise the idea of political prisoners 
throughout the country. It would be the easiest thing in the world 
for the Administration to treat you as political prisoners ; to put 
you in a fine house in Washington; give you the best of food; 
take the best of care of you; but if we treat you as political 
prisoners, we would have to treat other groups which might arise 
in opposition to the war program as political prisoners too, and 
that would throw a bomb in our war program. It would never 
do. It would be easier to give you the Suffrage Amendment than 
to treat you as political prisoners. 

On November 27 and 28, a few days after Miss Paul's 
strange experience — suddenly, quite arbitrarily, and with no 
reason assigned — the government released all the Suffrage 

The speakers of the Woman's Party began telling this 
story of the visit to Alice Paul's cell, everywhere. It finally 
appeared in the Milwaukee Leader and in the San Francisco 
Bulletin in an article written by John D. Barry. The Na- 
tional Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage immedi- 
ately questioned the truth of this episode. 

Congress reconvened on December 3. The President, true 
to David Lawrence's prophecy, did not mention Suffrage in 
his message to Congress. However, on January 9, 1918, on 


the evening of, the victorious vote in the House — as will 
subsequently and in more detail again be told — the President 
declared for the Federal Amendment. 

Minnie Bronson, the General Secretary of the National 
Association Opposed to Woman Suifrage, immediately sent 
Alice Paul a letter of apology for questioning the truth of 
her statement. In that letter, she repeats Maud Younger's 
statement in regard to this visit to Alice Paul in prison, 
and says: 

The inference contained in this article that the President of 
the United States would under cover assist a proposition which 
he had publicly and unqualifiedly repudiated, seemed to us un- 
worthy of his high office, and we felt justified in defending him 
from what seemed an unwarranted and unbelievable accusation. 

However, the President's subsequent public suppy>rt of the Fed- 
eral Suffrage Amendment, his announcement coming on the eve of 
the vote in the House of Representatives, indicates the truth of 
your original assertion, and we therefore deem it incumbent 
upon ourselves to apologize for having questionofl Miss Younger's 
statement. [ 

We are sending a copy of this letter to tjje President and 
members of Congress. "" 

Very truly yours, 

Minnie Bronson. 

Perha,ps a word should be said of description — and even 
of explanation — in regard to the crowds who harried the 
Suffragists. Of course, in all crowds there is a hoodlum 
element, and if that element is not held down by the police, 
it rapidly becomes the controlling power; tends to become 
more and more destructive. The police, as has been indi- 
cated from time to time, adopted various policies. At first, 
they maintained order. Then they began to permit the 
rowdy element in the crowds to do as it pleased. Later, they 
even worked with these destructive forces. 

Men were heard to say, one to another, " Stick around 
here. Something's going to happen this afternoon. I saw 
it this morning." To them, of course, it was merely an 
entertaining exhibition. 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D C 

Obeying Okders. 

Washington Police Aheesting White House Pickets Bepoke 

THE Treasury Building. 

1 ■.- •■ \ui^^^ . —. — - — ■:-T::?w!7m9m- 

^— , s- 

* ""jW ~" 

Pnoto Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

The Patrol Wagon Waiting the Arrival of the 
Suffrage Pickets. 


An enlisting sergeant used often to make his way through 
the crowds saying, " Now you have shown your spirit, boys, 
come and enlist ! " 

At all times, however, the people who annoyed, and later 
ill-treated the girls, were very young men — often in uniform. 
After a while there appeared men in , plain clothes with 
groups of men in khaki, or yeomen, who were obviously in 
the crowd for the purpose of making trouble for the Suf- 
fragists. These people did not like cameras, and the 
moving picture people who, appreciating the news value of 
the situation, tried to get views of the crowd, did so at the 
risk of having their cameras smashed. Indeed, Helena HiU 
Weed once dispersed a crowd by pointing a camera at them. 
This was the worst element the pickets had to deal with — 
unthinking young men of a semi-brutalized type. Of course, 
boys took their cue from their elders, and snatched or 
destroyed banners where they could. After a demonstration, 
you would come across groups of them, marching with the 
tattered banners that they had managed to steal. 

" When is the shooting going to begin? " one little boy 
was heard to ask once. 

In the very midst of the riots, one would come across older 
men cutting up banners into small pieces which they gave 
away as souvenirs. 

Of course, there were chivalrous spirits who protested 
against the treatment of the pickets by the police — ^protested 
even after they wer^ threatened with arrest. Some of them 
were actually arrested, and one of them fined. 

Often — ^very often indeed — the waiting crowds broke into 
spontaneous applause when group after group marched 
from Headquarters into the certainty of arrest. Those who 
were Anglo-Saxons inevitably admired the sporting quality 
of these women. 

Perhaps a negro street sweeper summed it up better than 
anybody else. , He said : " I doan know what them women 
want, but I know they ain't skeered! " 

The reader is probably asking by this time what was the 


effect of the picketing on the Woman's Party itself. The 
first reaction was exactly what he would guess — that mem- 
bers resigned in large numbers. The second, however, was 
one which he might not expect — that new members joined in 
large numbers. In other words, the militant action which 
alienated some women brought others into the organization; 
women who were aroused by the simple and immediate de- 
mands of the Woman's Party and by the courage and the 
forthrightness with which it pushed those demands; women 
who had become impatient at the impasse to which the older 
generation of Suffrage workers had brought the Suffrage 
Amendment. The majority of the people who deserted came 
back later. 

As far as money was concerned, the effect was magical. 
In some months during the picketing the receipts were 
double what they had been the corresponding months of the 
previous year when there had been no picketing. Once those 
receipts jumped as high as six times the 'normal amount. 
This was what happened in England during the militant 

4. The Court and the Pickets 

" So long as you send women to /prison for asking for justice, 
so long will women be ready to go in such a cause." 

Anne Martin to the judge before whom she was tried. 

After Judge Waddill's decision that the commitment of the 
pickets to Occoquan was illegal, the pickets filed sixteen suits . 
for damage. Eight of these were against Whittaker, Super- 
intendent of the Workhouse at Occoquan, and his assistant, 
Captain Reams, on account of their brutal treatment of the 
women while at Occoquan Workhouse. They were filed in 
the United States Court for the Western District of Vir- 
ginia at Richmond. The other eight were against the Com- 
missioners of the District of Columbia and Superintendent 
Zinkham of the District Jail for the unlawful transfer of the 
pickets to the institution of Whittaker at Occoquan. These 
suits were filed in the Supreme Court of the District of 
Columbia at Washington. 

The appeals in the cases of two groups of women arrested 
August 23 and 28 came up in the District of Columbia 
Court of Appeals on January 8, 1918, before Chief Justice 
Smyth, and Justices Robb and Van Orsdel. Matthew 
O'Brien, of Washington, and Dudley Field Malone, of New 
York, appeared for the Suffragists. Corporation Counsel 
Stevens conducted the case for the government. 

" Suppose," suggested Justice Robb, " some upholders of Billy 
Sunday should go out on the streets with banners on which were 
painted some of Billy's catch phrases, and should stand with 
their backs to the fence, and a curious crowd gathered, some of 
whom created disorder and threw stones at the, carriers of the 
banners. Who should be arrested, those who created the dis- 
order, or the banner carriers .'' " 

Mr. Stevens gave it as his opinion that both parties should be 



" Did I makp myself clear that the banner carriers were per- 
fectly peaceful ? " Justice Bobb asked. 

" When it is commonly known there is a forty-foot sidewalk 
there? " Justice Van Orsdel reinforced him. 

" Well, then," observed Attorney O'Brien, when he answered 
Mr. Stevens in his argument, " the honorable Justices obstruct 
traffic, according to learned counsel's definition, when court ad- 
journs, and they walk down the street together." 

On March 4, Judge Van Orsdel handed down the opinion, 
which was concurred in by the other two judges of the 
court, that in the case of those pickets who appealed, no 
information had been filed justifying their arrest and sen- 
tence. Since the offense of every other picket who was 
arrested was identical with that of these twelve who appealed 
their case, they were all illegally arrested, illegally convicted 
and illegally imprisoned. The Appellate Court thus reversed 
the decision of the District Police Court. In addition, it 
ordered the cases dismissed. All of the costs involved iii 
the cases, it was decided, should be paid by the Court of 
the District of Columbia, for which an appropriation would 
have to be made by Congressional enactment. 

Later, the case of Mrs. Harvey Wiley came up. It will 
be remembered that Mrs. Wiley was one of the forty-three 
women who picketed the President on November in the last 
picket line demonstration. She was sentenced to serve fifteen 
days in the District Jail. Dr. Wiley, her husband, appealed 
her case. Early in April the Court decided that there was 
no information filed justifying her arrest. So that she also 
was illegally arrested, illegally convicted, and illegally im- 

Yet in spite of the brutalities to which the Courts sen- 
tenced the pickets, unconsciously they furthered the Suf- 
frage cause. The women turned the Court sessions into Suf- 
frage meetings. In defending their case at one of the early 
trials, the pickets, each taking up the story where the other 
left it, told the entire history of the Suffrage movement. 
Crowds thronged the Court. People attended these trials 
who had never been to a Suffrage meeting in their lives. 

5. The Strange Ladies 


Evening at Occoquan. Rain pelts the workhouse roof. 
The prison matrons are sewing together for the Red Cross. 
The women prisoners are going to bed in two long rows. 
Some of the Suffrage pickets lie reading in the dim light. 
Through the dark, above the rain, rings out a cry. 

We listen at the windows. (Oh, those cries from punishment 

A voice calls one of us by name. 
" Miss Burns ! Miss Burns ! Will you see that I have a drink 

of water ? " 
Lucy Burns arises; slips on the coarse blue prison gown. 
Over it her swinging hair, red-gold, throws a regal mantle. 

She begs the night-watch to give the girl water. 

One of the matrons leaves her war-bandages; we see her hasten 

to the cell. 
The light in it goes out. 
The voice despairing cries: 

" She has taken away the cup and she will not bring me water." 
Rain pours on the roof. The Suffragists lie awake. 
The matrons work busily for the Red Cross. 

Xatherine Rolstok Fisheh, 

The Suffragist, October 17, 1917. 


Composed in Prison by the Suffrage Pickets 


Tune (Scotch) : 
" Charlie Is My Darling." 

Shout the Revolution 

Of Women, of Women, 
Shout the Revolution 

Of Liberty. 


Rise, glorious women of the earth, 

The voiceless and the free. 
United strength assures the birth 

Of True Democracy. 
Invincible our army. 

Forward, forward. 
Strong in faith we're marching 

To Victory. 

Shout the Revolution 

Of Women, of Women, 
Shout the Revolution 

Of Liberty. 
Men's reyolutions born in blood 

But our's conceived in peace 
We hold a banner for a sword, 

'Til all oppression cease. 
Prison, death defying, 

Onward, onward. 
Triumphant daughters marching 

To Victory. 

The preceding two chapters have been concerned mainly 
with the treatment of the pickets at the hands of the law. 
We now approach a much graver matter — their treatment 
at the hands of the prison authorities. This chapter de- 
scribes what is one of the most disgraceful episodes in the 
history of the United States. It is futile to argue that what 
happened in the District Jail and at Occoquan Workhouse, 
and later at the abandoned Workhouse, was unknown to the 
Administration. The Suffragists, indeed, published it to the 
entire country. That the treatment to which the pickets 
were subjected was the result of orders from above is almost 
demonstrable. It must be remembered that the officials who 
are responsible for what happened to the pickets — the three 
Commissioners who govern the District of Columbia, the 
police court judges, the Chief of Police, the warden of the 
jail, the superintendent of Occoquan Workhouse, are directly 
or indirectly answerable to the President. 

When the first pickets came out of prison (arrested on 
June 27, 1917), their spirit was that of women who have 


willingly gone to jail for a cause — and was in consequence 
entirely without self-pity. 

In a speech at a breakfast tendered them in the garden at 
Headquarters, Mabel Vernon sounded this note : 

I do not want any one here to think we have been martyrs 
because of this jail experience we have had. There was no great 
hardship connected with it. It was a very simple thing to do — 
to be imprisoned for three days, really two nights and a day. 
Do not think we have gone through any great sacrifices. 

But I do not feel patient about this experience. I do not want 
to go back to jail, and I do not want others to go, became it 
should not he necessary. , 

The jail in which the women were first imprisoned was the 
conventional big white-washed octagonal building with wings 
at both sides. This was as filthy then as any place could be. 
The bathroom, with its shower was a damp, dank, dark place. 
The jail was filled with vermin and rats. Julia Emory said 
that, in the night, prisoners could actually hear the light 
cell chairs being moved, so big and strong were the rats. 
The prisoners complained so constantly that finally the 
prison officials put poison about; but this did not decrease 
them. Then they brought a dog, but the dog was apparently 
afraid of the rats. The girls used to hear the matrons telling 
visitors that they had got rid of the rats by means of this 
dog. One night, Julia Emory beat three rats in succession 
off her bed. Alice Paul says that among her group of jailed 
pickets was one whose shrieks nightly filled the jail as the 
rats entered her cell. 

On July 17, however, when the sixteen women charged with 
obstructing traffic went to Occoquan Workhouse, things 
got much worse. Occoquan is charmingly situated, and, 
judged superficially, seems a model institution. It consists 
of a group of white buildings placed in a picturesque com- 
bination of cultivated fields with distant hills. All about lie 
the pleasant indications of rural life — crops; cows grazing; 
agricultural implements ; even flower gardens. The District 


Jail cannot compare with it for charm of situation. It has 
not even a pretense of the meretricious effect of cleanliness 
which Occoquan shows. Nevertheless, no picket who went to 
Occoquan emerged without a sinister sense of the horror of 
the place. Lucy Burns, of whom it may almost be said that 
she knows no fear, confesses that at Occoquan she suffered 
with nameless and inexplicable terrors. This evidence is all 
the more strange because, I reiterate, Occoquan has an effect 
of cleanliness, of open air, of comfort ; almost of charm. One 
reason for this sinister atmosphere was that no question the 
pickets put was ever answered directly. If they asked to see 
Superintendent Whittaker, he was always out — ^they could 
see him tomorrow. If they made a request, it would be 
granted to them in two days, or next week. The women's 
ward was a long, clean, sunny, airy room with two rows of 
beds — ^like a hospital ward. Here they put colored pris- 
oners to sleep in the same room with the Suffragists. More- 
over, they set the Suffragists to paint the lavatories used by 
the colored women. The matron who handled the bedclothes 
was compelled to wear rubber gloves, but the Suffragists 
were permitted no such luxury — even in painting the lava- 
tories. Indeed, often they slept in beds in which the blankets 
had not been changed or cleaned since the last occupant. 
It seemed a part of their premeditated system in the treat- 
ment of the Suffragists that they made them all undress 
in the same bathroom, and, without any privacy, take 
shower baths one after another. 

The punishment cells, of which later we shall hear in refer- 
ence to the Night of Terror, were in another building. These 
were tiny brick rooms with tiny windows, very high up. 

A young relative of one of the jail ofRcials, in the uniform 
of an officer of the United States Army, used to come into 
this building at night, and look in through the undraped 
grating of these cells. Once he unlocked the door, and came 
into a room where two young pickets were sleeping. " Are 
you a physician? " one of them had the presence of mind to 


He answered that he was not. She lay down, and covered 
her head with the bedclothes. Presently he left. 

There were open toilets in all these cells, and they could 
only be flushed from the outside. It was necessary always 
to call a man guard to do this. They came, or not, as they 

In the Suffragist of July 28, 1917, occurs the first ac- 
count of Occoquan, by Mrs. Gilson Gardner. Mrs. Gardner, 
it will be remembered, was one of that early group of sixteen 
pickets whom the President pardoned after three days. 

She says: 

The short journey on the train was pleasant and uneventful. 
From the station at Occoquan the women sent to the Work- 
house were put into three conveyances; two were filled with 
white women and the third with colored women. In the office 
of the Workhouse we stood in a line and one at a time were 
registered and given a number.' The matron called us by number 
and first name to the desk. Money and jewelry were accounted 
for and put in the safe. We were then sent to the dining-room. 
The meal of soup, rye bread, and water was not palatable. . . . 

From the dining-room we were taken to the dormitory. At 
one end of the long room, a white woman and two colored women 
were waiting for us. Before these women we were obliged, 
one by one, to remove all our clothing, and after taking a shower 
bath, put on the Workhouse clothes. These clothes consisted of 
heavy unbleached muslin chemises and drawers, a petticoat made 
of ticking, and a heavy dark gray cotton mother hubbard dress. 
The last touch was a full, heavy, dark blue apron which tied 
around the waist. The stockings were thick and clumsy. There 
were not enough stockings, and those of us who did not have 
stockings during our sojourning there were probably rather for- 
tunate. We were told to wear our own shoes for the time being, 
as they did not have enough in stock. The one small rough towel 
that was given to us we were told must be folded and tucked 
into our aprons. The prisoners were permitted to have only 
what they could carry. 

The dormitory was clean and cool and we longed to go to bed, 
but we were told we must dress and go into the adjoining room 
where Superintendent Whittaker would see us. Mr. Whittaker 
brought with him a man whom we afterward learned was a news- 
paper man. The superintendent informed us that for about an 


hour we could do as we chose, and pointing to the piano said 
that we might play and sing. The piano was not unlocked while 
we were there, but that night no one had a desire to sing. Al- 
though Mr. WMttaker's words were few and not unpleasant, we 
realized that our presence did not cause him either embarrass- 
ment or regret. 

We were told that one dormitory was given up to colored 
women; in the other one, the one in which we were to sleep, 
there would be both colored and white women. We had asked 
to be allowed to have our toilet things and were told we could 
not have them until the next morning, that is, we would be per- 
mitted to have our combs and toothbrushes then. But we were 
not permitted to have these until Thursday. One woman told 
us we must not lend our comb to other prisoners and must not 
mingle with the colored women. . . . 

The days were spent in the sewing-room. We were permitted 
to talk in low tones, two or three being allowed to sit together. 
While we were there, the sewing was very light. We turned hems 
on sheets and pillow slips and sewed on the machine. There 
were both white and colored women working in the sewing- 
room. The work was monotonous and our clothing extremely 

The great nervous strain came at meal time. All the women 
ate in one big room. The white women sat at one side. The 
meal lasted thirty and sometimes forty minutes. The food to 
us was not palatable, but we all tried to be sensible and eat 
enough to keep up our strength. The real problein, however, was 
not the food; it was the enforced silence. We were not allowed 
to speak in the dining-room, and after a conscientious effort to 
eat, the silent waiting was curiously unpleasant. . . . 

The use of the pencil is forbidden at all times. Each inmate 
is permitted to write but two letters a month, one to her family 
and one business letter. All mail received and sent is opened 
and read by one of the officials. Next to our longing for our 
own toilet articles was our desire for a pencil and a scrap of 
paper. Another rule which makes life in the Workhouse more 
difficult than life in the jail is that the Workhouse prisoners are 
not permitted to receive any food sent in from outside. 

We found that the other prisoners were all amazed at the 
excessive sentences we had received. Old offenders, they told us, 
received only thirty days. 

In the Suffragist of August 11, Doris Stevens, who was a 
member of the same group says : 


No woman there will ever forget the shock and the hot resent- 
ment that rushed over her when she was told to undress before 
the entire company, including two negress attendants and a 
harsh-voiced wardress, who kept telling us that it was " after 
hours," and they " had worked too long already today," as if it 
were our fault that we were there. We silenced our impulse to 
resist this indignity, which grew more poignant as each woman 
nakedly walked across the great vacant space to the doorless 
shower. . . . 

" We knew something was goin' to happen/' said one negro 
girl, " because Monday," (we were not sentenced until Tuesday) 
" the clo'es we had on were took off us and we were given these 
old patched ones. We was told' they wanted to take stock, but 
we heard they were being washed for you-all Suffragists." 

It will be remembered that this was that early group of 
pickets whom the President pardoned after the appeals of 
J. A. H. Hopkins, Dudley Field Malone, and Gilson Ga;*dner. 
Before leaving they were taken to Superintendent Whittaker. 

Asking for the attention of Miss Burns and the rest of 
them, he said: 

"Now that you are going, I have something to say to you." 
And turning to Miss Burns, he continued, " And I want to say it 
to you. The next lot of women who come here won't he treated 
with the same consideration that these women were," 

Mrs. Virginia Bovee, an officer of Occoquan Workhouse, 
was discharged in September. At that time Lucy Bums 
filed charges with Commissioner Brownlow of the District 
of Columbia concerning conditions in the Workhouse. Evi- 
dence is submitted on Whittaker's brutal treatment of other 
prisoners, but our concern must be with his treatment of 
the Suffragists. 

Lucy Burns says in that complaint : 

The hygienic conditions have been improved at Occoquan since 
a group of Suffragists were imprisoned there. But they are still 
bad. The water they drink is kept in an open pail, from which 
it is ladled into a drinking cup. The prisoners frequently dip 
the drinking cup directly into the pail. 

The same piece of soap is used for every prisoner. As the 


prisoners in Occoquan are sometimes afflicted with disease, tkis 
practice is appallingly negligent. 

Mrs. Bovee's affidavit reads in part : 

The blankets now being used in the prison have been in use 
since December without being washed or cleaned. Blankets are 
washed once a year. Officers are warned not to touch any of the 
bedding. The one officer who has to handle it is compelled by 
the regulations to wear rubber gloves while she does so. The 
sheets for the ordinary prisoners are not changed completely, 
even when one has gone and another takes her bed. Instead, 
the top sheet is put on the bottom, and one fresh sheet given 
them. I was not there when these Suffragists arrived, so I do 
not know how their bedding was arranged. I doubt whether the 
authorities would have dared to give them one soiled sheet. 
^The prisoners with diseases are not always isolated, by any 
means. In the colored dormitory there are now two women in 
advanced stages of consumption. Women suffering from syphilis, 
who have open sores, are put in the hospital. But those whose 
sores are temporarily healed are put inHihe same dormitory with 
the others. There have been several such in my dormitory. 

When the prisoners come, they must undress and take a 
shower bath. Tor this they take a piece of soap from a bucket 
in the storeroom. When they have finished, they throw the 
soap back in the bucket. The Suffragists are permitted three 
showers a week, and have only these pieces of soap which are 
common to all inmates. There is no soap at all in the washrooms. 

The beans, hominy, rice, corfa meal (which is exceedingly 
coarse, like chicken feed), and cereal have all had worms in them. 
Sometimes the worms float on top of the soup. Often they are 
found in the corn bread. The first Suffragists sent the worms to 
Whittaker on a spoon. On the farm is a fine herd of Holsteins. 
The cream is made into butter, and sold to the tuberculosis 
hospital in Washington. At the officers' table, we have very good 
milk. The prisoners do not have any butter, or sugar, and no 
milk except by order of the doctor. 

As time went on and great numbers of pickets were ar- 
rested, more and more indignities were put on them. They 
were, in every sense, political prisoners, and were entitled to 
the privileges of political prisoners. In all' countries dis- 
tinction is made in the treatment of political prisoners. Of 


course, the hope of the Administration was that these de- 
grading conditions would discourage the picketing, and, of 
course, the results were^ — as has happened in the fight for 
liberty during the whole history of mankind — ^that more and 
more women came forward and offered themselves. 

In the Suffragist for October 13, 1917 ("From the Log 
of a Suffrage Picket "), Katherine Rolston Fisher writes the 
following : 

Upon entering Occoquan Workhouse, we were separated from 
the preceding group of Suffragists. Efforts were made by the 
ofllcers to impress us by their good will towards us. Entirely 
new clothing, comfortable rooms in the hospital, and the sub- 
stitution of milk and buttered toast for cold bread, cereal, and 
soup, ameliorated the trials of the table. The head matron was 
chatty and confidential. She told us of the wonderful work of 
the superintendent in creating these institutions out of the wilder- 
ness and of the kindness shown by the officers to inmates. She 
lamented that some of the other Suffragists did not appreciate 
what was done for them. . . . 

" Wliy are we segregated from all the white prisoners ? " I 
asked the superintendent of the Workhouse. Part of the time 
We were not segregated frftm the colored prisoners, a group of 
whom were moved into the^hospital and shared with us the one 
bathroom and toilet. " That is for your good and for ours," was 
the bland reply. . . . 

That was quite in the tone of his answer to another inquiry 
made when the superintendent told me that no prisoner under 
punishment — that is, in solitary confinement — was allowed to see 
counsel. "Is that the law of the District of Columbia.^" I 
inquired. " It is the law here because it is the rule I make," he 

We learned what it is to live under a one-man law. The 
doctor's orders for our milk and toast and even our medicine were 
countermanded by the superintendent, so we were told. Our 
counsel after one visit was forbidden, upon a pretext, to come 

On Tuesday, September 18, we were made to exchange our 
new gingham uniforms for old spotted gray gowns covered with 
patches upon patches ; were taken to a shed to get pails of paint 
and brushes, and were set to painting the dormitory lavatories 
and toilets. By this time we were all hungry and more or less 
weak from lack of food. A large brush wet with white paint 


weighs at least tfro pounds. Much of the work required our 
standing on a table or stepladder and reaching above our heads. 
I think the wiser of us rested at every opportunity, but we did 
not refuse to work. 

All this time we had been without counsel for eight days. . . . 

The food, which had been a little better, about the middle of 
the month reached its zenith of rancidity and putridity. We 
tried to make a sport of the worm hunt, each table announcing 
its score of weevils and worms. When one prisoner reached the 
score of fifteen worms during one meal, it spoiled our zest for 
the game. . . . 

We had protested from the beginning against doing any 
manual labor upon such bad and scanty food as we re- 
ceived. . . . 

Mrs. Kendall, who was the most emphatic in her refusal, was 
promptly locked up on bread and water. The punishment makes 
a story to be told by itself. It clouded our days constantly while 
it lasted and while we knew not half of what she suffered. . . . 

All this time — five days — Mrs. Kendall was locked up, her 
pallid face visible through the windows to those few Suffragists 
who had opportunity and ventured to go to her window for a 
moment at the risk of sharing her fate. 

Ada Davenport Kendall's story runs as foUows: 

For stating that she was too weak from lack of food to scrub 
a floor and that the matron's reply that there was no other work 
was " hypocritical," Mrs. Kendall was confined in a separate 
room for four days for profanity. She was refused the clean 
clothing she should have on the day of her confinement, and was 
therefore forced to wear the same clothing for eleven days. She 
was refused a nightdress, or clean linen for the bed in the room. 
The linen on her bed was soiled from the last occupant and 
Mrs. Kendall lay on top of it all. The only toilet accommodation 
consisted of an open pail. Mrs. Kendall was allowed no water 
for toilet purposes during the four days, and was given three 
thin slices of bread and three cups of water a day. The water 
was contained in a small paper cup, and on several occasions it 
seeped through. 

Friends of Mrs. Kendall's obtained permission to see her. 
She was then given clean clothing, and taken from the room 
in which she was in solitary confinement. When the door 
opened upon her visitors, she fainted. 


Aroused by an inspection of samples of food smuggled out 
to him by Suffrage prisoners, Dr, Harvey Wiley, the food 
expert, requested the Board of Charities to permit him to 
make an investigation of the food. " A Diet of Worms won 
one revolution, and I expect it will win another," promul- 
gated Dr. Wiley. 

The most atrocious experience of the pickets at Occoquan 
was, however, on the night known to them generally as The 
Night of Terror. This happened to that group of Suffra- 
gists who were arrested on November 14, sentenced to Oc- 
coquan, and who immediately went on hungeir-strike as a 
protest against not being treated as political prisoners and 
as the last protest they could make against their imprison- 
ment. Whittaker was away when they arrived, and they 
were kept in the ofSce which was in the front room of one 
of the small cottages. Out of these groups there always 
evolved a leader. If the group included the suave and deter- 
mined Lucy Burns, she inevitably took command. If it in- 
cluded Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, equally velvet-voiced and im- 
movable, she inevitably became spokesman. This group 
included both. The Suffragists were then still making their 
demand to be treated as political prisoners, and so, when the 
woman at the desk — a Mrs. Hemdon — attempted to ask the 
usual questions, Mrs. Lewis, speaking for the rest, refused 
to answer them, saying that she would wait and talk to 
Mr. Whittaker. 

" You will sit here all night then," said Mrs. Hemdon. 

The women waited for hours. 

Mrs. Lewis always describes what follows as a sinister re- 
versal of a French tale of horror she read in her girl- 
hood. In that story, people began mysteriously to dis- 
appear from a group. One of them would be talking orae 
instant — the next he was gone; the space where he stood 
was empty. In this case, slowly, silently, and in increasing 
numbers, men began to appear from outside, three and 
then four. 


Mrs. Herndon again tried to get the Suffragists to 
register, but they made no reply. 

" You had better answer up, or it will be the worse for 
you," said one man. 

" I will handle you so you'll be sorry you made me," said 

The Suffragists did not reply. Mrs. Nolan says that she 
could see that Mrs. Herndon was afraid of what was going to 

Suddenly the door burst open, and Whittaker came rush- 
ing in from a conference, it was later discovered, of the 
District of Columbia Commissioners at the White House — 
followed by men — more and more of them. The Suffra^sts 
had been sitting or lying on the floor. Mrs. Lewis stood up. 

" We demand to be treated as political pris " she 

began. But that was as far as she got. 

" You shut up ! I have men here glad to handle you ! " 
Whittaker said. " Seize her ! " 

Two men seized Mrs. Lewis, dragged her out of the sight 
of the remaining Suffragists. 

In the meantime, another man sprang at Mrs. Nolan, who, 
it will be remembered, was over seventy years old, very frail 
and lame. She says : 

I am used to being careful of my bad fbot, and I remember 
saying: " I will come with you; do not drag me. I have a lame 
foot." But I was dragged down the steps and away into the 
dark. I did not have my feet on the ground. I guess that saved 

It was black outside, and all Mrs. Nolan remembers was 
the approach to a low, dark building from which, made bril- 
liantly luminous by a window light, flew the American flag. 

As Mrs. Nolan entered the hall, a man in the Occoquan 
uniform, brandishing a stick, called, " Damn you ! Gret in 
there ! " Before she was shot through this hall, two men 
brought in Dorothy Day, — a very slight, delicate girl; her 
captors were twisting her arms above her head. Suddenly 

■'-M --'! 


they lifted her, brought her body down twice over the back 
of an iron bench. One of the men called: "The damned 
Suffrager! My mother ain't no Suffrager! I will put you 
through hell ! " Then Mrs. Nolan's captors pulled her down 
a corridor which opened out of this room, and pushed her 
through the door. 

Back of Mrs. Nolan, dragged along in the same way, came 
Mrs. Cosu, who, with that extraordinary thoughtfulness and 
tenderness which the pickets all developed for each other, 
called to Mrs. Nolan : " Be careful of your foot ! " 

The bed broke Mrs. Nolan's fall, but Mrs. Cosu hit the 
wall. They had been there but a few minutes when Mrs. 
Lewis, all doubled over like a sack of flour, was thrown in. 
Her head struck the iron bed, and she fell to the floor sense- 

The other women thought she was dead. They wept 
over her. 

Ultimately, they revived Mrs. Lewis, but Mrs. Cosu was 
desperately ill all night, with a heart attack and vomiting. 
They were afraid that she was dying, and they called at 
intervals for a doctor, but although there was a woman and 
a man guard in the corridor, they paid no attention. There 
were two mattresses and two blankets for the three, but that 
was not enough, and they shivered all night long. 

In the meantime, I now quote from Paula Jakobi's account. 
We go back to that moment in the detention room when they 
seized Mrs. Lewis. 

" And seize her ! " rang in my ears, and Whittaker had me by 
the arm. " And her ! " he said, indicating Dorothy Day. Miss 
Day resisted. Her arm was through the handle of my bag. 
Two men pulled her in one direction, while two men pulled me 
in the opposite direction. There was a horrible mix-up. Finally, 
the string of the bag broke. Two men dragged her from the 
room. I saw it was useless to resist. The man at the right of 
me left me, and tightly grasped in the clutches of the man at my 
left, I was led to a distant building. 

When Julia Emory, who was rushed along just after Mrs. 
Jakobi, entered the building, the two guards were smashing 


Dorothy Day's back over the back of a chair ; she was crying 
to Paula Jakobi for help ; and Mrs. Jakobi, struggling with 
the other two guards, was trying to get to her. They placed 
Julia Emory in a cell opposite Lucy Bums. 

Of the scene in the reception room of the Workhouse, 
Mrs. John Winters Brannan, who saw all this from a coign 
of vantage which apparently surveyed the whole I'oom, says : 

I firmly believe that, no matter how we behaved, Whittaker 
had determined to attack us as part of the government plan to 
suppress picketing. ... Its (the attack's) perfectly unex- 
pected ferocity stunned us. I saw two men seize Mrs. Lewis, 
lift her from her feet, and catapult her through the doorway. 
I saw three men take Miss Burns, twisting her arms behind her, 
and then two other men grasp her shoulders. There were six to 
ten guards in the room, and many others collected on the porch — 
forty to fifty in all. These all rushed in with Whittaker when 
he first entered. 

Instantly the room was in havoc. The guards brought from 
the male prison fell upon us. I saw Miss Lincoln, a slight 
young girl, thrown to the floor. Mrs. Nolan, a delicate old lady 
of seventy-three, was mastered by two men. The furniture was 
overturned, and the room was a scene of havoc. 

Whittaker in the center of the yoom directed the whole attack, 
inciting the guards to every brutality. 

The whole group of women were thrown, dragged, and hurled 
out of the office, down the steps, and across the road and field 
to the Administration Building, where another group of bullies 
was waiting for us. The assistant superintendent. Captain 
Reams, was one of these, armed with a stick which he flourished 
at us, as did another man. The women were thrown roughly 
down on benches. 

In the meantime, Lucy Burns, fighting desperately all the 
way, had been deposited in a cell opposite. 

As always, when she was arrested, she took charge of the 
situation. In her clear, beautiful voice, she began calling 
the roll one name after another, to see if all were there and 
alive. The guards called, " Shut up ! " but she paid no 
more attention to them than if they had not spoken. 
" Where is Mrs. Lewis ? " she demanded. Mrs. Cosu an- 


swered : " They have just thrown her in here." The guard 
yelled to them that if they spoke again, he would put them 
in strait-jackets. Mrs, Nolan and Mrs. Cosu were so ter- 
rified that they kept still for a while. 

But Lucy Burns went right on calling the roll. When she 
refused — at the guard's orders — to stop this, they hand- 
cuffed her wrists and fastened the handcuffs above her head 
to the cell door. They threatened her with a buckle gag. 
Little Julia Emory could do nothing to help, of course, but 
she put her hands above her head in exactly the same position 
and stood before her door until they released Lucy Bums. 
Lucy Burns wore her handcuffs all night. 

Mrs. Henry Butterworth, for some capricious reason, was 
taken away from the rest, and placed in a part of the jail 
where there were only men. They told her that she was 
alone with the men, and that they could do what they pleased 
with her. Her Night of Terror was doubly terrifying — ^with 
this menace hanging over her. 

For a description of the rest of that night, and of suc- 
ceeding days, I quote the account of Paula Jakobi: 

I didn't know at the time what happened to the otSer women. 
I only knew that it was hell let loose with Whittaker as the 
instigator of the horror. In the ante-chamber to the cells, some 
of the guards were standing, swinging night sticks in a menacing 
manner. We were thrust into cells; the ventilators were closed. 
The cells were bitter cold. There was an open toilet in the 
corner of the cell, which was flushed from the outside. We had 
to call a guard who had previously attacked us to flush them. 
The doors were barred, there were no windows. The doors were 
uncurtained, so that through the night the guard could look into 
the cell. There was no light in the room, only one in the cor- 
ridor. Three of us were thrown into every cell. There was a 
single bed in each room and a mattress on the floor. The floors 
were filthy as were the blankets. 

In the morning, we were roughly told to get up. No facilities 
for washing were given us. Faint, ill, exhausted, we were ordered 
before the superintendent. It was eight o'clock and we had had 
no food since the preceding day at twelve. None had been 
offered us, nor were any inquiries made about our physical con- 


dition. Whittaker asked my name; then whether I would go to 
the Workhouse and obey prison regulations and be under the care 
of the ladies. I told him I would not. I would not wear prison 
clothes, and I demanded the rights of political prisoners. He 
interrupted me with, " Then you'll go to the male hospital " — he 
emphasized the " male " — " and be in solitary confinement. Do 
you change your mind.^ " I said " No! " and was taken to the 
hospital by a trusty. 

Then followed a series of bullying, of privileges, and of cur- 
tailing them. The first day at three o'clock milk and bread were 
brought to the room. After I refused it, it was taken away. 
That evening some more milk and bread were brought. These 
were left in the room all night. The second day toast and milk 
were brought. These were left in the room all night. The third 
day the matron suggested an egg and cofFee for breakfast. I 
told her I did not want anything to eat. This day at lunch time 
fried chicken and salad were brought in. Later Miss Burns 
passed a note which read, " I think this riotous feast which has 
just passed our doors is the last effort of the institution to dis- 
lodge all of us who can be dislodged. They think there is 
nothing in our souls above fried chicken." No matter what was 
offered, a glass of milk and piece of bread were left from meal 
to meal, and once bouillon and bread was left. 

The fast did not make me ill at this time, only weak. The 
second day there was slight nausea and headache; the third day, 
fever and dizziness ; the fever remained, causing very dry, peel- 
ing skin and swollen lips. By the third day, I was rather nervous 
— there were no other manifestations except increasing weakness 
and aphasia. I could remember no names, and it was quite im- 
possible to read. 

We were summoned so often and so suddenly from our jooms 
to see Whittaker, or to have the rooms changed — ^we were in the 
same room scarcely two consecutive nights — that one was never 
sure when she would be searched and when the few remaining 
treasures would be taken from us, so I hid stubbs of pencils in 
my pillow, ripping the ticking with a hairpin, and one pencil in 
the hem of the shade. The dimes and nickels for the trusty I 
placed in a row over the sill of the door, paper behind the steam 
radiator pipes. It was difficult to find places to secrete anything, 
for the only furniture in the room was a single iron bed and one 
chair. Notes to one another are passed by tapping furtively on 
the steampipe running through the walls ; then, when the answer 
comes, passing the note along the pipe. Everything is con- 
ducive to concealment. 


The second day our writing materials were asked for (I did 
not give up those I had hidden). Then we were summoned to 
Whittaker— each of the hunger strikers. (There were now 
seventeen of us.) E[e had a stenographer with him. He asked 
my name; then, "Are you comfortable?" His manner was 
quite changed; he was as civil as he could be. I answered 
him with the little formula, " I demand the right to be 
treated as a political prisoner. I am now treated as a common 

He: If you have steak and vegetables, will you go to the Work- 
house and obey rules ? 

I : I will not. 

He: If you will promise not to picket any more and to leave 
Washington soon, I will let you go without paying any fine and 
I'll take you to Washington in my own autompbile. 

I: I will not promise this. 

He: What is it you want? 

I: The right to keep my own clothes, to have nourishing food 
permanently, which will not be taken away and given back at 
your wiU, the right to send and receive mail, and above all, the 
right to see counsel and have fresh air exercise. 

He: If I grant you all these things, will you go to the Work- 
house and work? 

I : I will not. 

He : Are the matrons and internes kind to you ? 

I: Yes. 

He : What food is left in your room ? 

I : Chiefly bread and milk, once bouillon and toast. 

He: Anything else? 

I: No. 

He : Have you any request ? 

I: That I receive the rights due me — those of a political 

Whittaker will use these interviews in expurgated form, I 
am sure. When I said anything which did not please him, he 
said to the stenographer, " You. needn't put that down." 

After the above interviews, he absolutely refused to let our 
counsel who came from Washington see us. 

After my visit to Whittaker this day, I was summoned to the 
Workhouse. My clothes were listed — ^those I wore — before two 
matrons, just as those of criminals are listed; then I was obliged 
to undress before the two matrons and two trusties, walk to a 
shower, take a bath, and dress before them in prison clothes. 
The clothes were clean, but so coarse that they rubbed my skin 


quite raw. They have two sizes of shoes for the prisoners — 
large and small. 

The only message which reached me from " outside " was a 
telegram from a friend asking that I allow my bail to be paid. 
I answered that I would not. This day six girls in our section 
were taken away " somewhere." The sense of some unknown 
horror suddenly descending is the worst of the whole situation. 
Whittaker's suave manner was interrupted for a moment this day 
when he came into the hospital ward and saw Julia Emory in 
the corridor — she was returning from the wash-room — and 
taking Julia by the neck he threw her into her cell. " Get in 
there," he snarled, or words to that effect. ... I was coming 
out of an adjoining wash-room at the moment, and saw this. 

This night I had a most vivid dream. The interne brought in 
a rabbit. He held it up and told us he would cook it for us. 
The women — our women — did not wait for him to cook it, but 
rushed toward him, pulled it from his hands, and tore the living 
animal into pieces and ate it. I awoke, sobbing. 

Next evening, there was great commotion in our corridor. 
The doors, which did not lock, were held; there were rapid 
footsteps to and fro. Distressed sounds came from the room 
adjoining mine, and soon it was evident that Miss Burns was 
being forcibly fed. Half an hour earlier, her condition was found 
normal by the doctor, who strolled casually through our ward, 
looked in at the door, nodded, felt her pulse, and went on. 
Now Miss Burns was being forcibly fed. What could it mean? 
Then there were more hurried steps, and the men went to Mrs. 
Lewis's room. Fifteen minutes later, they were both hurried into 
an ambulance and taken away — no one told us where. We had 
visions accentuated that night, of being separated, hurried out of 
sight to oblivion, somewhere away from every one we knew. 

A detachment of the United States Marines guarded the 
place. The prisoners were kept incommunicado. That 
meant, not only were they not allowed visitors, but they were 
not allowed counsel — and counsel is one of the inalienable 
rights of citizenship. 

In the meantime at Headquarters, the Suffragists, under 
the leadership of Doris Stevens, now that Alice Paul and 
Lucy Burns were both in prison, could not even find out 
where the prisoners were. They had received a jail sentence 
but were not in the District Jail. Eatherine Morey, in great 


anxiety in regard to her mother, who was one of the pris- 
oners, came from Boston to see her. She could not even 
locate her. Finally, she hit on the device of meeting the 
morning train, on which released prisoners always came from 
Occoquan, and one of them informed her that her mother 
was at the Workhouse. 

In the meantime, sixteen of the women had gone on a 
hunger-strike. They were committed to Occoquan on Wednes- 
day, November 14. By the following Sunday, Superin- 
tendent Whittaker became alarmed. He declared he would 
not forcibly feed any of them unless they signed a paper 
saying that they themselves were responsible for any injury 
upon their health. Of course, they all refused to do this, 
ivhereupon Superintendent Whittaker said : " All right, yoii 
can starve." However, by Sunday night, he was a little 
shaken in this noble resolution. He went to Mrs. Lewis, and 
asked her what could be done. Mrs. Lewis answered that 
all they asked was to be treated as political offenders, which 
provided for exercise, receiying of njail and visitors, buying 
food and reading matter. He asked her to write this state- 
ment out in his name, as though he demanded it. On Mond«y 
he brought the statement to the Commissioners of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. Commissioner Gardner gave out a state- 
ment that such demands would never be granted. 

In the meantime too, Matthew O'Brien, the counsel for 
the Woman's Party, succeeded in getting an order from the 
Court which admitted him to Occoquan. He saw Mrs. Lewis, 
Mrs. Brannan, and Miss Bums once ; but afterwards in spite 
of his Court order, they refused him admission. 

It had been part of the system in attempting to lower 
Miss Burns's morale to take her clothes away from her. 
When Mr. O'Brien visited Miss Burns she was lying on a 
cot in a dark cell, wrapped in blankets. He came back 
to Headquarters filled with admiration for her extraordinai'y 
spirit. He said that she was as much herself as if they were 
talking in the drawing-room of Cameron House. Mrs. 
Nolan, released at the end of her six day sentence, also 


brought the news of what happened back to Headquarters. 
These were the things that made the Suffragists determine 
on habeas corpus proceedings. Mr. O'Brien applied to the 
United States District Court at Richmond for this writ. It 
was granted returnable on November 27. Mr. O'Brien, how- 
ever, afraid that, in combination with the indignities to which 
they were being submitted, the women would collapse from 
starvation, made another journey to Judge Waddill, who 
set the hearing forward to the 23rd. 

The next step was serving the writ on Superintendent 
Whittaker. This was done by a ruse. On the night of the 
21st, Mr. O'Brien called at Superintendent Whittaker's 
home. He was told that the Superintendent was not there. 
Mr. O'Brien went not far away, and telephoned that he 
would not return until the morning. Then he returned im- 
mediately to Superintendent Whittaker's home, found him 
there, of course, and served the papers. 

In the meantime. Superintendent Whittaker began to fear 
that Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Lucy Burns would die. Un- 
known to the other prisoners — and thereby causing them the 
most intense anguish — ^he had them taken to the hospital of 
the District Jail. They had been forcibly fed at Occoquan, 
and the feeding was continued at the jail. 

Mrs. Lewis writes: 

I was seized and laid on my back, where five people held me, 
a young colored woman leaping upon my knees, which seemed to 
break under the weight. Dr. Grannon then forced the tube 
through my lips and down my throat, I gasping and suffocating 
with the agony of it. I didn't know where to breathe from, and 
everything turned black when the fluid began pouring in. I was 
moaning and making the most awful sounds quite against my 
will, for I did not wish to disturb my friends in the next room. 
Finally the tube was withdrawn. I lay motionless. After a 
while I was dressed and carried in a chair to a waiting auto- 
mobile, laid on the back seat,"and driven into Washington to the 
jail hospital. Previous to the feeding I had been forcibly exam- 
ined by Dr. Gannon, I struggling and protesting that I wished 
a woman physician. 


Lucy Burns was fed through the nose. Her note, smug- 
gled out of jail, is as follows: 

Wednesday, 12 m. Yesterday afternoon at about four or five, 
Mrs. Lewis and I were asked to go to the operating room. 
Went there and found our clothes. Told we were to go to Wash- 
ington. No reason, as usual. When we were dressed Dr. 
Gannon appeared, said he wished to examine us. Both re- 
fused. Were dragged through halls by force, our clothing partly 
removed by force, and we were examined, heart tested, blood 
pressure and pulse taken. Of course such data was of no value 
after such a struggle. Dr. Gannon told me that I must be fed. 
Was stretched on bed, two doctors, matron, four colored pris- 
oners present, Whittaker in hall. I was held down by five people 
at legs, arms, and head. I refused to open mouth, Gannon 
pushed the tube up left nostril. I turned and twisted my head 
all I could, but he managed to push it up. It hurts nose and 
throat very much and makes nose bleed freely. Tube drawn 
out covered with blood. Operation leaves one very sick. Food 
dumped directly into stomach feels like a ball of lead. Left 
nostril, throat, and muscles of neck very sore all night. After 
this I was brought into the hospital in an ambulance. Mrs. 
Lewis and I placed in same room. Slept hardly at all. 

This morning Dr. Ladd appeared with his tube. Mrs. Lewis 
and I said we would not be forcibly fed. Said he would call in 
men guards and force us to submit. Went away and we not fed 
at all this morning. We hear them outside now cracking eggs. 

We resume Paula Jakobi's account: 

We were summoned two days later to appear at Alexandria 
jail next day, Ifriday of that week — that would make nine days 
spent in the Workhouse. 

A writ of habeas corpus had been issued for our unjust im- 
prisonment at Occoqnan when we had been sentenced to Wash- 
ington jail. This day I fainted. It was now seven and a half 
days since I had started hunger-striking. Three young doctors 
came in to have a look at the hunger-strikers. They did not take 
our pulse; they just gazed and departed. Later in the day, I 
was told that I could not go to court next day if I did not eat, 
as they would not take the responsibility for my trip. They 
prepared to forcibly feed me. I concluded to eat voluntarily, 
since I had to break my fast, so that evening I had a baked 
potato and a baked apple. Next morning I ate no breakfast, but 


was threatened with forcible feeding at noon if I did not eat, 
so I ate again. 

The next day we were taken to Alexandria Court House. There 
we found out why Miss Burns and Mrs. Lewis had been taken 
away from Occoquan. It was to prevent their appearance at 
Court, although it was shown that Whittaker had been removed 
after he had received the writ of habeas corpus. Our counsel 
pleaded for their appearance in Court. The warden of the 
Washington jail, where they now were, was so solicitous for 
their health that he feared to move them. Mr. Dudley Field 
Malone asked him whether they were being forcibly fed. The 
warden replied that they were. " How many men does it take 
to hold Miss Burns?" Mr. Malope quietly questioned, " whUe 
she is being forcibly fed ? " Zinkham answered, " Four." 
" Then, your Honor," asked Mr. Malone, " don't you think that 
if it takes four men to hold Miss Burns to give her forcible 
feeding, she is strong enough to appear in Court? " 

Next day, both Mrs. Lewis and Miss Burns were at the 

It was found that our detention in the Workhouse was illegal 
and we were given our freedom on parole. I refused to accept 
it, and with twenty-two other prisoners was taken to Washington 
jail to finish my term of imprisonment. 

The Suffragists were brought from Occoquan to the Court 
on November 23, according to schedule. Their condition 
was shocking. They all showed in their paUor and weakness 
the effect of the brutal regime to which they had been sub- 
jected. The older women could hardly walk, and were sup- 
ported by their younger and stronger companions. When 
'they reached their chairs, they lay back in them, utterly worn 
out. Mrs. John Winters Brannan collapsed, and had to be 
taken from the Courtroom. 

As Paula Jakobi has stated. Judge Waddill decided that 
the thirty-one Suffragists had been illegally committed to 
Occoquan Workhouse, and were entitled to liberation on bail 
pending an appeal or the return to the District Jail. 

Rose Winslow, it wiU be remembered, was tried at the 
same time as Alice Paul and received a sentence of seven 


Here are some extracts from the prison notes of Rose 
Winslow smuggled out to friends: 

The women are all so magnificent, so beautiful. Alice Paul is 
as thin as ever, pale and large-eyed. We have been in solitary 
for five weeks. There is nothing to tell but that the days go 
by somehow. I have felt quite feeble the last few days — faint, so 
that I could hardly get my hair combed, my arms ached so. But 
today I am well again. Alice Paul and I talk back and forth 
though we are at opposite ends of the building and a hall door 
also shuts us apart. But occasionally — ^thrills — we escape from 
behind our iron-barred doors and visit. Great laughter and re- 
joicing! . . . 

I told about a syphilitic colored woman with one leg. The 
other one was cut d£F, having rotted so that it was alive with 
maggots when she came in. The remaining one is now getting as 
bad. They are so short of nurses that a little colored girl of 
twelve, who is here waiting to have her tonsils removed, waits 
on her. This child and two others share a ward with a syphilitic 
child of three or four years, whose mother refused to have it at 
home. It makes you absolutely ill to see it. I am going to 
break all three windows as a protest against their boarding ^ice 
Paul with these ! 

Dr. Gannon is chief of a hospital. Yet Alice Paul and I found 
we had been taking baths in one of the tubs here, in which this 
syphilitic child, an incurable, who has his eyes bandaged all the 
time, is also bathed. He has been here a year. Into the room 
where he lives came yesterday two children to be operated on 
for tonsilitis. They also bathed in the same tub. The syphilitic 
woman has been in that room seven months. Cheerful mixing, 
isn't it? The place is alive with roaches, crawling all over the 
walls everywhere. I found one in my bed the other day. . . . 

In regard to the forcible feeding, she said: 

Yesterday was a bad day for me in feeding. I was vomiting 
continually during the process. The tube has developed an irrita- 
tion somewhere that is painful. . . . 

I fainted again last night. I just fell flop over in the bath- 
room where I was washing my hands, and was led to bed, when 
I recovered, by a nurse. I lost consciousness just as I got there 
again. I felt horribly faint until twelve o'clock, then fell asleep 
for awhile. ... 

The same doctor feeds us both. . . . Don't let them tell you 


we take this well. Miss Paul vomits much. I do, too, except 
when I'm not nervous, as I have been every time but one. The 
feeding always gives me a severe headache. My throat aches 
afterward, and I always weep and sob, to my great disgust, 
quite against my will. I try to be less feeble-minded. 

The final barbarity, however, in the treatment of the 
pickets came out in the experience of Alice Paul. Of course, 
the Administration felt that in jailing Alice Paul, they had 
the " ringleader." That was true. What they did not 
realize, however, was that they had also jailed the inspired 
reformer, the martyr-type, who dies for a principle, but 
never bends or breaks. Miss Paul was arrested, it will be 
remembered, on October 20. The banner that she carried 
had, in the light of later events, a grim significance. It 
bore President Wilson's own words : 


Her sentence was seven months. 

" I am being imprisoned," said Miss Paul as she was 
taken from the District Police Court to the patrol wagon 
that carried her to jail, " not because I obstructed traiBe, 
but because I pointed out to President Wilson the fact that 
he is obstructing the progress of justice and democracy at 
home while Americans fight for it abroad." 

When Alice Paul reached the jail, she found ten other 
Suffragists who had been brought there four days before 
from Occoquan. The air of this jail was stifling. There 
were about seventy-five women prisoners locked in three tiers 
of cells, and no window had been opened. The first appeal 
of the Suffragists to Alice Paul was for air. 

Alice Paul, not committed to her cell yet, looked about 
her. High up she saw a little, round window with a rope 
hanging from it. She asked the matron why they did not 
open the window. " If we started opening windows, we 
should have to give the colored women more clothes," the 
matron told her. 


With her usual promptness and decision Alice Paul crossed 
the corridor and pulled the window open. There was no 
place to fasten the rope so she stood there holding it. The 
matron called for the guards. Two of them, unusually big 
and husky in comparison with Alice Paul's ninety-five 
pounds, tried to take the rope away. It broke in her hands, 
the window closed, and the guards carried Miss Paul to her 

Alice Paul had brought, in the pocket of her coat, a 
volume of Browning. Before they closed the door, she threw 
it with what Florence Boeckel describes as a " desperate, sure 
aim," through the window. 

Miss Paul's confreres say that it is amusingly symbolic 
of the perfection of her aim in all things that she hit one 
of the little panes of that faraway window. As the glass 
had not been repaired when the Suffragists left jail, they had 
the pure air they demanded. They said that the old-timers 
told them it was the first good air they had ever smelled 
in jail. 

Alice Paul and Rose Winslow went on hunger-strike 

-at once. This strike lasted three weeks and a day. 

The last two weeks they were forcibly fed. Both women 

became so weak that they were finally moved to the 


Two or three alienists with Commissioner Gardner were 
brought in to examine Alice Paul. They usually referred to 
her in her presence as " this case." One of the alienists, 
visiting her for the first time, said to the nurse, " Will this 
patient talk?" Alice Paul burst into laughter. 

" Talk ! " she exclaimed. " That's our business to talk. 
Why shouldn't we talk.? " 

" Well, some of them don't talk, you know," the alienist 

" Well, if you want me to talk " Weak as she was. 

Miss Paul sat up in bed and gave him a hiistory of the 
Suffrage movement beginning just before the period of Susan 
B. Anthony and coming down to that moment. It lasted an 


hour. This alienist told the present writer that in his report 
to the authorities he said in effect: 

" There is a spirit like Joan of Arc, and it is as useless to 
try to change it as to change Joan of Arc. She will die 
but she will never give up." 

Alice Paul says that she realized after a while that the 
questions of the alienists were directed towards establishing 
in her one of the well-known insane phobes — ^the mania of 
persecution. The inquiries converged again and again to- 
ward one point: "Did she think the President personally 
responsible for what was occurring? " As it happened 
her sincere conclusion in this matter helped in estab- 
lishing their conviction of her sanity. She always answered 
that she did not think the President was responsible in her 
case — that he was perhaps uninformed as to what was 
going on. 

Notwithstanding the favorable report of the alienist, after 
a while they removed Alice Paul from the hospital to the 
psychopathic ward. The conditions under which she lived 
here are almost incredibly sinister. It is difBcult to avoid 
the conclusion that it was hoped that they would affect 
Alice Paul's reason; would certainly discredit the movement 
she led by making the world believe that she was mentaUy 
unbalanced. The room in which she was confined was big 
and square, pleasant enough. It had two windows, one of 
which they boarded up. They took off the wooden door and 
replaced it with a grated door. All day long patients— 
mentally unbalanced — came to that door and peered in at 
her. All night long, shrieks rang in her ears. Just before 
dawn would come an interval of quiet, then invariably it 
was broken by the long, harrowing, ululating cries of a single 
patient who kept this up for hours. 

One of the alienists told the nurse to keep Miss Paul 
under observation. This observation consisted of flashing a 
light in her face every hour all night long. This — ^naturaUy 
— brought her with a start out of her sleep. She averaged', 
she says, only a little sleep between flashes. Of course one 


cannot but think that if she had been trembling on the verge 
of insanity, this process would certainly have pushed her 
over the edge. 

The women nurses were almost unfailingly kind and 
thoughtful. One carried her kindness to the point of saying 
once, "You know, I don't think you are insane." Alice 
Paul says, it was staggering to have people express their 
friendliness for you by assuring you that they thought you 
were in your right mind. The doctor who forcibly fed her 
protested against having to do it. She was kept in the 
psychopathic ward a week incommunicado. When it was 
discovered where she was, Dudley Field Malone got her re- 
moved back to the hospital. Of course the forcible feeding 
went on. 

In the files at Headquarters, there are dozens of affidavits 
made by the women who went to jail for picketing. It is a 
gre&t pity that they cannot all be brought to the attention 
of a newly enfranchised sex. More burningly than anything 
else, these affidavits would show that sex what work lies 
before them, as far as penal institutions are concerned. I 
quote but one of them — that of Ada Davenport Kendall — 
because it sums up so succinctly and specifically the things 
that the prison pickets saw. 

I went into Occoqnan Prison as a prisoner on September 13, 

I went in with the idea of obeying the regulations and of being 
a reasonable prisoner. 

While there I saw such injustice, neglect, and cruelty on the 
part of the officials that I was forced into rebellion. 

During my thirty days' imprisonment I saw that commis- 
sioners and other officials made occasional visits but that the 
people in charge were usually warned and used much deception 
on the occasion of these visits. Specially prepared food replaced 
the wormy, fermenting, and meager fare of ordinary days. 
Girls too frail to work were hurried off the scrubbing and 
laundry gangs, and were found apparently resting. Sick women 
were hidden. Girls were hurried out of. punishment cells as the 
Visitors proceeded through the buildings, and were hidden in 
linen rooms or rooms of matrons already inspected. 


While there I was treated with indignities. I was insulted 
by loud-mouthed officials at every turn, was stripped before other 
women, stripped of all toilet necessities, warm underwear, and 
ordinary decencies, was deprived of soap, tooth-brush, writing 
materials, and sufficient clothing and bed coverings. I was 
dressed first in clean garments, but the officials later punished me 
by putting me in unclean clothing and into a filthy bed in which 
a diseased negress had slept. In the hospital I was obliged to 
use the toilet which diseased negro women used, although there 
was a clean unused toilet in the building. 

With the four other women who were sentenced with me I 
was fed food filled with worms and vile with saltpeter; food 
consisting of cast-o£F and rotting tomatoes, rotten horse meat and 
insect-ridden starches. There were no fats: no milk, butter, nor 
decent food of any kind. Upon this fare I was put at hard labor 
from seven a.m. until five p.m., with a short luncheon out. We 
were not allowed to use the paper cups we had brought, but were 
forced to drink from an open pail, from common cups. 

After several days of driven labor this group was ordered to 
wash the floors and clean the toilets in the dormitory for the 
colored inmates. I protested for the whole group: said we 
would not do this dangerous work. For this I was put in 
solitary confinement which lasted for nearly seven days. Water 
was brought three times in the twenty-four hours, in a small 
paper cup. Three thin slices of bread were brought in twenty- 
four hours. Several times matrons with attendants came in and 
threatened me and threw me about. They searched me for notes 
or any writing, and threw me about and tore my clothes. I was 
allowed no water for toilet, and the only toilet convenience was 
an open bucket. No reading nor writing materials were al- 
lowed. Mail was cut off, as it was nearly all of the time while I 
was in prison. I was not allowed to see an attorney during this 
period. The bed had been slept in and was filthy, and there 
was no other furniture. After six days, influential friends were 
able to reach my case from outside the prison, and I was taken 
out of solitary confinement. 

While in prison I heard men and women crying for help, and 
heard the sound of brutal lashes for long periods, — ^usually in 
the evening, after visitors were not expected. 

I saw a woman have a hemorrhage from the lungs at nine in 
the morning — saw her lie neglected, heard the matrons refuse to 
call a doctor; and at eleven saw the woman carry a tobacco pail 
filled with water to scrub a floor ; saw her bleeding while she was 
scrubbing, and when she cried a matron scolded her. 


Saw a young dope fiend who was insane run out of a door, 
and heard a matron at the telephone order men to loose the 
bloodhounds upon this girl in the dark. Soon heard the dogs 
howling and running about. 

Saw men with fetters on legs being driven to and from 

Saw matrons choke and shake girls. 

Was continually disgusted with lack of fair play in the insti- 

Inmates were set to spy upon the others, and were rewarded 
or punished, as they played the game of the matrons. 

Saw sick girls working in laundry. Saw diseased women 
sleeping, bathing, and eating with other inmates. 

Saw armed men driving prisoners to work. 

Saw milk and vegetables shipped to Washington, and rotting 
vegetables brought up from city market. 

Saw unconscious women being brought from punishment cells. 

Saw sick women refused medical help, and locked in the hos- 
pital without attendance to suffer. Saw them refused milk or 
proper food. Saw them refused rest, and once I saw the only 
medical attendant kick at a complaining inmate and slam the 
office door in her face. 

Found that whUe the institution was supposed to build and 
improve inmates, they were ordinarily not allowed any recreation 
nor proper cleanliness. No classes were held, and no teaching of 
any sort was attempted. They were deprived of all parcels, and 
mail was usually withheld both coming and going. Visitors and 
attorneys were held up, and the prisoners usually absolutely shut 
away from help. 

Found that no rules governing the rights of the prisoners had 
been codified by the Congressional Committee responsible for the 
institution, and was told by .the superintendent that the prisoners 
had no rights and that the superintendent could treat the inmates 
as he liked. 

Under that management, the matrons, while apparently ordi- 
narily decent and often making a good first impression, were 
found to be brutal and unreasonable in their care of inmates. 

The inmates were driven, abused, insulted. They were not 
allowed to speak in the dining-room or workrooms or dormitories. 
It was a place of chicanery, sinister horror, brutality, and 

No one could go there for a stay who would not be permanently 
injured. No one could come out without just resentment against 
any government which could maintain such an institution. 


As has been told before Judge Waddill decided that the 
pickets had been illegally transferred from the Jail to 
Occoquan and they were sent back to the Jail. But between 
Occoquan and Jail occurred one night, in which the pickets 
were released in the custody of Dudley Field Malone, their 
counsel. They went immediately to Cameron* House and 
broke their hunger-strike — spent the evening before the fire, 
talking and sipping hot milk. The next day they were com- 
mitted to jail again and immediately started a new hunger- 

The government, however, undoubtedly appalled by the 
protests that came from all over the country, and perhaps, 
in addition, staggered at the prospect of forcibly feeding 
so many women, released them all three days later. 

A mass-meeting was held at the Belasco Theatre early in 
December to welcome them. The auditorium was crowded 
and there was an overflow meeting of four thousand outside 
on the sidewalk. The police reserves, who had so often, in 
previous months, come out to arrest pickets, now came out 
to protect them from the thousands of people who gathered 
in their honor. Elsie Hill addressed this overflow meeting, 
which shivered in the bitter cold for over an hour, yet 
stayed to hear her story. 

Inside, eighty-one women in white, all of whom had served 
in the Jail or the Workhouse, carrying lettered banners and 
purple, white, and gold banners, marched down the two 
center aisles of the theatre and onto the stage. There were 
speeches by Mrs. Thomas Hepburn, Dudley Field Malone, 
Mrs. William Kent, Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, and Maud 
Younger. Then came an interval in which money was raised. 
Two touching details were sums of fifty cents and thirty 
cents pledged from Occoquan "because the Suffragettes 
helped us so much down there." And Mrs. John Rogers, Jr., 
on behalf of the pickets gave " tenderest thanks for this 
help from our comrades in the Workhouse." 

Eighty-six thousand, three hundred and eighty-six dollars 
was raised in honor of the pickets. 


On that occasion, prison pins which were tiny replicas 
in silver of the cell doors, were presented to each " prisoner 
of freedom." 

As Alice Paul appeared to receive her pin, Dudley Field 
Malone called, " Alice Paul," and the audience leaped to its 
feet ; the cheers and applause lasted until she disappeared at 
the back of the platform. 

It is a poignant regret to the present author that she 
cannot go further into conditions at the District Jail and 
at Occoquan in regard to the other prisoners there. But 
that is another story and must be told by those whose work 
is penal investigation. The Suffragists uncovered conditions 
destructive to body and soul ; incredibly inhumane ! One of 
the heart-breaking handicaps of the swift, intensive war- 
fare of the pickets was that, although they did much to 
ameliorate conditions for their fellow prisoners, they could 
not make them ideal. Piteous appeal after piteous appeal 
came to them from their " comrades in the Workhouse." 

" If we go on a hunger-strike, will they make things better 
for us?" the other prisoners asked again and again. 

" No," the Suffragists answered sadly. " You Yiaire no 
organization back of you." 

However, in whatever ways were open to them the Suf- 
fragists offered counsel and assistance of all kinds. 

I asked one of the pickets once how the other prisoners 
regarded them. She answered : " They called us ' the strange 
ladies.' " 



In the meantime, the country had not been kept misinformed 
or uninformed in regard to the treatment of the pickets. 
Of course, the press teemed with descriptions of their pro- 
tests and its results. Again and again their activities pushed 
war news out of the preferred position on the front page 
of the newspapers. Again and again they snatched the head- 
lines from important personages and events. But despite 
flaming headlines, these newspaper accounts were inevitably 
brief and incomplete; sometimes unfair. The Woman's 
Party determined that the great rank and file, who might 
be careless or cautious of newspaper narration, should hear 
the whole extraordinary story. Picketing began in January, 
1917. By the end of September, long before Alice Paul's 
arrest and through October and November, therefore, 
speakers were sent all over the United States. Alice Paul 
divided the States into four parts, twelve States each : Maud 
Younger went to the South; Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and 
Mabel Vernon to the Middle West ; Anne Martin to the far 
West; Abby Scott Baker and Doris Stevens to the East. 
Ahead of them went the swift band of organizers who always 
so ably and intensively prepared the way for Woman's 
Party activity. 

Public opinion became more and more intrigued, began to 
blaze oftener and oftener into protest as successive parties 
of pickets were arrested. The climax, of course, was the 
climactic Administration mistake — the arrest of Alice Paul. 
And as it began to dawn on the country that she was kept 
incommunicado . . . that she was in the psychopathic 
ward . . . alienists . . . hunger-striking . . . forcible 
feeding. . . . 



The speakers had extraordinary experiences, especially 
those who went into the strongholds of the Democrats in 
the South. Again and again when they told about the jail 
conditions, and how white women were forced into associa- 
tion with the colored prisoners, were even compelled to 
paint the toilets used by the colored prisoners, men would 
rise in the audience and say, "There are a score of men 
here who'll go right up to Washington and burn that 
jail down." It has been said that Warden Zinkham re- 
ceived by mail so many threats against his life that he went 

From Headquarters, telegrams Were sent to speakers as 
the situation grew at Washington, informing them as to the 
arrests, the actions of the police, sentences, et caetera. Often 
these telegrams would come in the midst of a speech. The 
speaker always read them to the audience. Once after 
Doris Stevens had read such a telegram, " Do you protest 
against this ? " she demanded of her audience. " We do ! " 
they yelled, rising as one man to their feet. 

Suddenly while everything was apparently going smoothly, 
audiences large, indignantly sympathetic, actively protes- 
tive, change came. Everywhere obstacles were put in the 
way of the speakers. That this was the result of concerted 
action on the part of the authorities was evident from the 
fact that within a few days four speakers in different parts 
of the country felt this blocking influence. 

In Arkansas they recalled Mabel Vernon's permit for the 
Court House. In Connecticut, newspapers began to call 
Berta Crone pro-German, to attack her in a scurrilous 

Anne Martin's meeting throughout the West had gone on 
without interruption of any kind. When, however, she ar- 
rived in Los Angeles, she was met by a Federal officer and 
told that there could be no meeting in Los Angeles. Miss 
Martin's answer was to read to him a section on the right 
of free speech and assemblage, to inform him that he could 
not prevent the meeting, to assure him that he was welcome 


to attend it, and to invite him to arrest her if she made any 
seditious remarks. The attempt was then made to get her 
right to use the hotel ball-room, in which she was to hold 
the meeting, canceled. However, when Miss Martin told the 
management that she had made the same speech at the St. 
Francis Hotel in San Francisco, they agreed to let her have 
the hall. Federal officers sat on the platform and inter- 
rupted her speech, saying, " You've said enough about the 
President now." Anne Martin replied, " If Fve said any- 
thing seditious it's your duty to arrest me. Otherwise I'm 
going on with my speech." The audience applauded. Within 
a few minutes, five hundred dollars was collected in that 
audience for the struggle in the Capitol. Later, one of the 
Secret Service men warned Miss Martin not to make the 
same speech in San Diego. " I told him," Miss Martin said, 
" to follow me and arrest me at any time he wished to, but 
in the meantime to stop speaking to me." She had no fur- 
ther trouble in California. 

Maud Younger's experiences in the South and West were 
so incredible in these days of free speech that it deserves 
a detailed narration. 

She had passed through nine southern Democratic 
States. Every speech had been received enthusiastically, 
with sympathy, and without question. Suddenly the cry 
of " Treason," " Pro-German," was raised. She was to 
speak at Dallas, Texas, on Monday, November 18. But 
the organizer found she could not engage a hall nor even a 
room at the hotel in which Miss Younger could speak. The 
Mayor would not allow hei* to hold a street meeting. Miss 
Younger whose speeches are always the maximum of ac- 
curacy, informedness, feeling — coupled with a kind of diplo- 
matic suavity-^-oflFered to submit her speech for censorship. 
They refused her even that. Finally on Monday morning 
a hall was found and engaged. The people who rented it 
canceled that engagement on Monday afternoon. The re- 
porters flocked to see Miss Younger, who astutely said to 
them, " Of course the President is not responsible for ' 


etc, etc." — ad libitum — ^not responsible, in brief, for all the 
things she would have said in her speech. Miss Condon, 
who was organizing in that vicinity, had a little office on 
the top floor and decided to hold a meeting there. Miss 
Younger spoke to a small audience drummed up as hastily 
as possible, notifying newspaper and police when the audi- 
ence was about to arrive. There were detectives present. 
Miss Younger takes great joy in the fact that in attending 
this meeting, these detectives, following the accepted tactics 
of detectives, heavy-handedly — or heavy-footedly — ^got out 
of the elevator on the floor below; tiptoed solemnly up to 
the floor of the meeting, thus proclaiming loudly to the 
world that they were detectives. 

In Memphis, Miss Younger had the assistance of Sue 
White, ^o, not then a member of the Woman's Party, be- 
came subsequently one of its most active, able, and devoted 
workers. Miss White who is very well known in her State, 
had just gained great public approbation by registering 
fifty thousand women for war work. She fought hard and 
constantly to preserve Miss Younger's speaking schedule in 
the nine Tennessee towns. But it was impossible in many 
cases. Everywhere they were fought by the Bar Association 
and the so-called Home Defense Leagues; and often by 
civic officials. The Bar Association et caetera appointed a 
committee to go to all hotels, or meeting-places, to ask them 
not to rent rooms for Miss Younger's meetings, and to 
mayors to request them not to grant permits for street 
meetings. The Mayor of Brownsville, for instance, tele- 
phoned to the Mayor of Jackson : " I believe in one God, 
one Country, and one President; for God's sake keep those 
pickets from coming to Brownsville." Fortunately every- 
where, as has almost invariably happened in the Suffrage 
movement, Labor came to their rescue. 

In the towns where it was impossible to get a hall, Miss 
Younger did not stay to fight it out. First of all, she felt 
the situation had developed into a free speech fight between 
the people of these towns and their local governments. It 


was for them to make the fight. Moreover, she wanted as 
far as possible to keep to her schedule. 

Sue White went on ahead to Jackson, which was her own 
home town, and appealed to the Judge for the use of the 
Court House. The Mayor said he could not legally prevent 
the meeting. Miss White opened the Court House and 
lighted it. In the meantime, the Chief of Police met Miss 
Younger in the Court House before the meeting began. He 
told her if she said anything against the President, he would 
arrest her. He came to the meeting that night, but left as 
soon as he discovered how harmless it was — Charmless, that 
is, so far as the President was concerned. The audience 
unanimously passed a resolution asking the Mayor of Nash- 
ville, which was the next stop, to permit Miss Younger to 

However, when she got to Nashville, the Home Defense 
League had brought pressure on the local authorities and it 
was impossible for her to get a hall. The organizer had 
hired the ball-room of the hotel, had deposited twenty-five 
dollars for it; but the manager broke his contract, refused 
to allow them to use itj and refunded the money. The 
prosecuting attorney, months later, boasted, "I was the 
one that kept Miss Younger from speaking in Nashville." 

The next two towns were Lebanon and Gallatin. In 
Lebanon, although they could get no hall, they were allowed 
to ibpeak in the public square. Sue White introduced Miss 
Younger. It was a bitter cold day; but the weather was 
not colder than the audience at first. Gradually, however, 
that audience warmed up. When Miss Younger finished, 
they called, " We are all with you ! " When the Suffragists 
reached Gallatin, they secured the schooUiouse. There was 
no time for any publicity, but Rebecca Hourwich hired a 
wagon and went about the town calling, " Come to the school- 
house ! Hear the White House pickets ! " 

In Knoxville, they met with the same hostility from the 
Bar Association. Their permit to speak in the town haU was 
revoked, and even the street was denied to them. Joy 


Yoiing, thereupon, went to Labor. The local Labor leader, 
who was the editor of the Labor paper, saw at once that it 
was a free speech fight. He said that Labor would make 
the fight for the Suffragists, He also pointed out that 
though the Mayor was a Democrat, the Judge was a Repub- 
lican. He went to the Judge and asked for the Court 
House. The Judge said that it was not within his power 
to grant the Court House; that three county officials, to 
whom, twelve years before, jurisdiction in this matter had 
been given, must decide the question. These county ofiicials 
agreed to the proposition. Again the Bar Association inter- 
fered. All day long telephone pressure, pro and con, was 
brought to bear on these county officials. In the end it was 
decided to have a preliminary rehearsal of Miss Younger's 

At high noon, therefore, Maud Younger went to the Court 
House. The prosecuting attorney opened the proceedings 
by reading from a big book an unintelligible excerpt on 
sedition. Miss Younger then made her forceful, witty, and 
tactful speech. Of course they gave her the Court House. 
The prosecuting attorney said, " For an hour I argued 
against you with the Judge. Now, I don't see how he could 
possibly refuse." The Judge said, " You women have a very 
real grievance." Late as it was, Joy Young got out dodgers, 
inviting the town to the meeting and scattered them every- 
where, and the afternoon papers carried the announcement. 

That night at dinner, the editor of the Labor paper called. 
He told them that the Sheriff had suddenly put up the claim 
of jurisdiction over the county Court House taken from him 
twelve years ago, and that he would be there with a band 
of armed deputies. " But," said the Labor leader, " Labor 
mil he there idth eighty armed Union men to meet them."* 
Of course the two Woman's Party speakers did not know 
what would happen. But the only thing they did know was 
that they would hold the meeting as usual. So Maud 
Younger and Joy Young proceeded alone to the Court 
House. They both expected to be shot. The Sheriff with 


his deputies, instead of surrounding the building, went inside, 
holding the place against Suffrage attack. The Labor men 
stationed themselves in front of the door. The steps were 
filled with audience. Joy Young introduced the speaker. 
Maud Younger took up her position, and they held their 
meeting outside. Miss Younger always says : " The Sheriff 
had the Court House, but I had the audience." 

At Chattanooga, Joy Young had explained the situation ; 
The Mayor was with them; the Bar Association, the Chief 
of Police, the Sheriff were against them ; so the Mayor with 
the assistance of Labor and the newspapers took up their 
fight. No hall was to be had, amd someone in the Bar Associa- 
tion instructed the Chief of Police to enter any private house 
and break up any meeting the Suffragists might hold; and the 
Sheriff to do the soTne in the country outside the city limits. 
But Labor was not to be outwitted. They were holding a 
scheduled meeting in their own hall that night. Labor can- 
celed that meeting and offered Maud Youuger the haU free. 
They said they would like to see any police break up a 
meeting in their hall. All day long there was a stormy 
session of the Commissioners as to whether or not she might 
speak. But in the end she did speak. 

Later, when Maud Younger returned to Washington, she 
met Senator McKellar in the course of her lobbying activi- 
ties. Of course, she was astute enough to know that orders 
for all this persecution had come from above. She referred 
quite frankly to his efforts to stop her in Tennessee. With 
equal frankness, Senator McKellar said : " I wasn't going 
to have you talking against the President in Tennessee." 



The various activities described in the last six chapters all 
took place in the year 1917. But during all this year — 
when the picketing, the arrests, the imprisonments, were 
going on — ^work with Congress was of course proceeding 
parallel with it. It now becomes necessary to go back to 
the very beginning of the year to follow that work. 

It will be remembered that early in this year there oc- 
curred in Washington an event of national political impor- 
tance. The Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage and 
the Woman's Party merged into one organization. 

This union of the Congressional Union with the Woman's 
Party occurred on March 2. On March 3 — the last day of 
his first Administration — ^President Wilson despatched the 
following letter to the Hon. W. R. Crabtree, a member of 
the Tennessee Legislature. 

May I not express my earnest hope that the Senate of Ten- 
nessee will reconsider the vote by which it rejected the legisla- 
tion extending the Suffrage to women.'' Our Party is so dis- 
tinctly pledged to its passage that it seems to me the moral 
obligation is complete. 

WooDRow Wilson. 

On April 26 occurred a hearing before the Senate Com- 
mittee ; Anne Martin presided. The note she struck in her 
opening speech sounded all through the hearing — the 
somber, sinister note of the Great War; and the necessity 
of accepting the Suffrage Amendment as a war measure. 

" We regard it as an act of the highest loyalty and patriotism," 
she said " to urge the passage of the Amendment at this time^ 
that we may, as fuUy-eqnipped, fully-enfranchised citizens, do 



our part in carrying out and helping to solve the problems tHat 
lie before the government when our country is at war." 

Madeline Doty, who had traveled in Germany and in Eng- 
land since the beginning of the war, gave her testimony in 
regard to the degree of war-work women were contributing 
in those two countries. Others spoke: Mary Beard, Ernes- 
tine Evans, Mrs. Richard Wainwright, Alice Carpenter, 
Hon. Jeannette Rankin, and Dudley Field Malone, at that 
time still Collector of the Port of New York. 

Altogether, there was a different sound to these Suffrage 
arguments. Women had discovered for the first time in the 
history of the world that they were a national necessity in 
war, not only because they bore the soldiers who fought, not 
only because they nursed the wounded, but because their 
efforts in producing the very sinews of war were necessary to 
its continuance. 

On May 14, the Committee appointed by the National 
Party (the Party formed by the former Progressive lead- 
ers) : J. A. H. Hopkins, Dr. E. A. Rumley, John Spargo, 
Virgil Hinshaw, Mabel Vernon, called on the President for 
the purpose of discussing the passage of the Federal Suf- 
frage Amendment as part of the war program. 

Mabel Vernon described the interview afterwards: 

The President said frankly that the lines were well laid for 
the carrying out of a program in this session of Congress in 
which Suffrage, he intimated, has not been included and expressed 
his belief that the introducing of the question at this time might 
complicate matters. He seems to feel, however, that the coming 
of war has put the enfranchisement of women on a new basis. 

He showed his appreciation of the rapid gains Suffrage has 
made through the country when he said, " Suffrage is no longer 
creeping, but advancing by strides." 

The President told the Committee as proof of his willingness, 
as he said, " to help Suffrage in every little way," that he had 
written a letter to Representative Pou, Chairman of the Rules 
Committee of the House, saying he would favor the creation of a 
Woman Suffrage Committee. 


The next day. May 16, a hearing was held before the 
Judiciary Committee of the House. The Progressive Com- 
mittee, who had visited the President the day before, spoke, 
and also a group of the Woman's Party leaders: Mrs. 
William H. Kent, Mrs. John Rogers, Mrs. Donald R. 
Hooker, Lucy Burns, Anne Martin, Abby Scott Baker. 
Again the note of the Great War sounded through all the 
speeches, and the impatience of women because everything 
in the way of war service was demanded of them, but noth- 
ing given in return. 

Mrs. Rogers said: 

You men sit here in Congress and plan to take our sons and 
husbands and every cent in our pockets. Yet you say to us: 
" Do not be selfish ; do not ask anything of the government now,' 
but do your part." 

Mrs. Rogers quoted the words of Lord Northcliffe: 

The old arguments against giving women Suffrage were that 
they were useless in war. But we have found that we could not 
carry on the war without them. They are running many of our 
industries, and their services may be justly compared to those of 
our soldiers. 

" It has taken England nineteen hundred years to find 
this out," said Mrs. Rogers. 

Also, stress was laid on the fact that, since the last hear- 
ing before the Judiciary Committee, six States had granted 
Presidential Suffrage to women. 

In this connection, a letter written by Chairman Webb 
of the Judiciary Committee to J. A. H. Hopkins of New 
Jersey, is interesting. 

Mr. Hopkins wrote Mr. Webb: 

The suggestion in your letter, that your caucus resolution pro- 
vides that the President might from time to time suggest special 
war emergency legislation, puts the responsibility for the inaction 
of your Committee upon the President. As the President has 
already stated that he will be glad to do everything he can to 
promote the cause of Woman Suffrage, it seems to me quite 


evident that he has at least given your Committee the oppor- 
tunity to exercise their own authority without even the fear that 
they may be infringing upon your caucus rules. 

In the answer which Chairman Webb sent to Mr. Hopkins, 
he put the responsibility of the inaction in regard to the 
Suffrage situation directly on the President. 

He said: 

The Democratic caucus passed a resolution that only war 
emergency measures would be considered during this extra ses- 
sion, and that the President might designate from time to time 
special legislation which he regarded as war legislation, and such 
would be acted upon by the House. The President not having 
designated Woman Suffrage and national prohibition so far as 
war measures, the Judiciary Committee up to this time has not 
felt warranted, under the caucus rule, in reporting either of these 
measures. If the President should request either or both of them 
as war measures, then I think the Committee would attempt to 
take some action on them promptly. So you see after all it is 
important to your cause to make the President see that Woman 
Suffrage comes within the rules laid down. 

In May, the Rules Committee of the House of Represen- 
tatives granted a hearing to Suffrage bodies on the question 
of the creation of a Suffrage Committee in the House. It 
will be remembered that this is the first time since December, 
1913, that the Rules Committee had granted this request, 
although women have worked for the creation of a Suffrage 
Committee in the House since the days of Susan B. Anthony. 
Chairman Fou presided. 

A few days before, he had received a letter from President 
Wilson, in favor of the creation of a Suffrage Committee. 
For a long time now, the President had not been saying 
anything about the State by State method of winning Suf- 
frage, but this was the first time that he had shown a specific 
interest in the Federal Suffrage Amendment. 

The meeting was open to the public, and the room was 
crowded. The members of the National American Woman 
Suffrage Association spoke; a group of Congressmen from 


the Suffrage States, and the following members of the 
Woman's Party: Anne Martin, Maud Younger, Mrs. Richard 
Wainwright, Mabel Vernon. 

Mrs. Richard Wainwright said: 

One of the members of the Commission from England said: 
" We came to America that America may not make the mistakes 
that we have ! One of the mistakes that England is now trying to 
rectify is not giving justice to her women. I should like the 
Congress of the United States to remember what Wyoming said 
when asked to join the nation: ' We do not come in without our 

Miss Younger said in part: 

We regard this, however (the formation of a Suffrage Com- 
mittee in the House), Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of fSe Com- 
mittee, as only one step toward our goal. We will not be satisfied 
with this alone. It will not in any way take the place of the 
passage of the Amendment. Nor are we interested in any mere 
record vote which might come from the Suffrage Committee. We 
are working only for the passage of the Amendment at the 
earliest possible date. . . . 

We ask for this measure now in war time, because the suffer- 
ings of war fall heavily upon women. In case of an invading 
army the greatest barbarities, the greatest cruelties, fall upon 
the women. In this war, as never before, the burdens are borne 
by women. Secretary Redfield said yesterday that three armies 
are necessary to the prosecution of this war, the army in the 
field, the army on the farm, and the army in the factories. In 
these two armies at home the women are taking an increasingly 
large part and the efiiciency of their work depends largely upon 
the conditions under which they do this work. In England the 
output of munitions was not satisfactory. The government ap- 
pointed a commission to investigate. They found that the trouble 
lay in the conditions under which the women worked, with the 
overlong hours. They could not get the best results under such 
conditions. In America today there is an effort to break down 
the protective legislation that through the years has been built 
up around women and children. And so for eificiency in the war 
as well as for the protection of the women, we urge Suffrage 
upon you now. 

We do not know when this struggle may end nor to what 
extent the women here may replace men. An English ship- 


builder said recently that should the war last two years longer 
he would build ships entirely with women. We know that all 
over Europe today they are doing men's work, in field, in factory, 
and in office. When the war is over and the armies march home, 
whether in victory or defeat, they will find the women in their 
places. Not without a struggle will the women give up the 
work, but give it up they probably will. And then, without the 
means of livelihood, many of them without husbands, with the 
men of their families killed in war, without the chance to marry, 
to bear children, they will turn to America. We can then look 
forward to an immigration of women such as this country has 
never known. Before that time comes we want the power to 
protect the women who are here, and to prepare to meet the new 
conditions that we may not be swamped by them. 

We are asking for Suffrage in war time because other nations 
at war are considering it now. Over a year ago, in the Hun- 
garian Parliament, a deputy asked the prime minister, "When 
our soldiers return from fighting our battles, will they be given 
the vote? " We find men everywhere in Europe asking for Suf- 
frage for themselves now in war time. In Germany today the 
most powerful political party is urging the vote for women as 
well as for men. Bussia, England, and France are on the verge 
of enfranchising their women. But two days ago in the British 
Barliament the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies urged 
the immediate passage of the Suffrage measure that the govern- 
ment might not be hampered by domestic problems when, at the 
end of the war, international problems wiU cry for settlement and 
a unified nation will be needed. In the period of reconstruction 
also we feel that women have something to contribute, that we 
may be of help in solving the new problems which will arise from 
the war and which will tax all the resources of the people. We 
ask you now to release to other service the time, the energy, the 
money that is being poured into the Suffrage movement. 

Lastly, we urge this now that we may prove to other nations 
our sincerity in wanting to establish democracy and our unselfish 
motives in going into the war. 

I think of that night on the 2nd of April when, from the 
gallery of the House, we heard President Wilson read his war 
message. We were going to war not for any gain for ourselves 
but to make the world safe for democracy. We sat there and 
heard him read, and, gentlemen, you applauded, " we shall fight 
for those things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, 
for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority 
to have a voice in their own government." And while you ap- 


plauded, some of us there in the gallery thought of the 
20,000,000 of women in our own country who " submit to au- 
thority without a voice in their own government," which is the 
President's definition of democracy. We thought, 'too, of the 
women of other nations on the verge of enfranchisement them- 
selves, and we wondered how they would welcome the United 
States at the peace council, to establish democracy for them — 
the United States, which does not recognize its own women. 

And we went out into the night. The Capitol looked very 
beautiful and shining white against the dark sky. It seemed a 
great beacon light to the nations of the world. Suddenly a dark 
shadow fell across our path — ^the shadow of a mounted soldier. 
A troop of cavalry had encircled the Capitol holding back the 
people. We walked down the marble terraces and started across 
the Avenue. There, again, the troop of cavalry winding down 
the hUl blocked our progress. Suddenly it seemed so symbolic 
of what war meant, the armed force, centralized authority, block- 
ing progress, encroaching upon the people. And it came to us 
that our greatest foe is not the enemy without but the danger to 
democracy within. We realized then that the greatest service we 
could render today would be to fight for democracy in this 

We are going into this war. We wiU give our service, our 
time, our money. We may give our lives and what is harder still, 
the lives of those dear to us. We lay them all down upon the 
altar for the sake of an ideal. But in laying them down let us 
see that the ideal for which we sacrifice shall not perish also. 
Let us fight to preserve that ideal, to make this a real democracy. 
And, gentlemen, the first step toward that end lies with you here 
today. We ask you to take that step and help make this nation 
truly a beacon light to nations of the earth. 

Although — following the hearing before the Senate Com- 
mittee, on May IS^the Chairman, Senator Jones of New 
Mexico, was unanimously instructed to make a report on 
the Amendment, he failed to do so. When so requested by 
the Woman's Party, he refused. After three months the 
minority (Republican) leaders of the Committee, led by 
Senator Cummins of Iowa, and backed by Senator Jones of 
Washington and Senator Johnson of California, attempted 
to get the Suffrage Amendment on the Senate Calendar by 
discharging the Senate Suffrage Committee from its further 


In his own defense, Senator Jones of New Mexico pleaded 
lack of time and desire to make a report that would be " a 
contribution to the cause." Another Democratic member, 
Senator HoUis of New Hampshire, brought forward the 
picketing of the Suffragists as a reason for withholding the 
report. He expressed the amazing reason for not acting, 
his fear that this " active group of Suffragists " would focus 
public attention and " get credit." The Chairman of the 
Committee who had neglected week after week to make the 
report which he had been authorized to make by the Com- 
mittee, was finally galvanized into action by a visit to the 
imprisoned pickets at Occoquan. Immediately, September 
15, he made his report to the Senate. On September 24, the 
creation of the House Suffrage Committee came up for 
heated debate in the House of Representatives, though its 
passage was a foregone conclusion. Of course, there was 
much discussion of the picketing which was still going on. 
Many of the speakers harped on the note that this late 
action in regard to the creation of a committee, which the 
Woman's Party had been working for ever since 1913, 
would be interpreted by the country as being the result of 
the picketing. This was a quaint argument on their part, 
because of course, it was the result of the picketing. Why 
else would it have come so swiftly? 

During this discussion, Mr. Pou, the Chairman, made the 
following statement: 

I want to say in conclusion, Mr. Speaker, that this is no 
proposition to pack the Committee for a particular purpose. The 
friends__of this resolution have distinctly stated time and again 
that they do not expect action at this session of Congress (first 
session of the Sixty-fifth Congress). The appointment of a 
Committee only is asked; but after this Committee is appointed, 
in the next Congress they expect to go before the people of 
America, and if the returns justify, then in the Sixty-sixth 
Congress, they will ask for Congressional action. 

This boiled down meant of course there was no intention 
of passing the Suffrage Amendment before the Sixty-sixth 


Congress. However, the Administration was to reverse its 
policy on this point less than three months later. 

The House Suffrage Committee was created by a vote of 
one hundred and eighty-one yeas and one hundred and seven 


' The vast and beckoning future is ours." 

The Suffragist, 


At the opening of the year 1918, the Woman's Party made 
another change in the location of its headquarters. It will 
be recalled that during the first part ,of its history, it had 
premises in F Street. In the middle years, it was located 
at Cameron House. It was now to go directly across the 
Park to 14 Jackson Place. Like Cameron House, this new 
mansion had had a vivid and picturesque history. It was 
built by the Hon. Levi Woodbury while he was serving in 
the cabinet of President Jackson and President Van Buren. 
Later, it became the home of Schuyler Colfax, when he was 
Vice President. During the Civil War, Postmaster William 
Denison, a member of Lincoln's cabinet, lived there. And 
perhaps it was at this period that the house achieved the 
apex of its reputation for official hospitality. Later, it was 
the scene of the tragic triangle of General Sickles, his beau- 
tiful young Spanish wife and the brilliant Barton Key. Still 
later it fell into the hands of Mrs. Washington McLean, and 
then of her grandson's family — the Bughers. Then it was 
turned into the Home Club. 

It is a charming house. The fa9ade is a pleasing com- 
bination of cream-colored tiling trimmed with white. Im- 
mediately, of course, the Woman's Party adorned that deli- 
cate, lustrous expanse with the red, white, and blue of the 
big national banner, which always flies over their Head- 
quarters, and the purple, white, and gold of the equally big 
Party tri-color. Later, in the little oval made by the porte- 
cochere, they erected a bulletin board presented by Mrs. 
0. H. P. Belmont. By this means the casual passerby was 



kept informed, by bulletin and by photographs, of the ac- 
tivities of the Woman's Party. 

Inside there are rooms and rooms^ rooms big and small, 
rooms of all sizes and heights, A spacious ball-room on the 
second floor with a seating capacity of three hundred, was 
of course of great practical advantage to the Party. The 
other rooms on this floor were made into offices ; the rooms 
on the floor above into bedrooms. Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and 
Mrs. William Kent raised the money for the maintenance 
of this huge establishment. 

Alice Paul, always economically inclined where expendi- 
ture is not absolutely necessary, immediately asked for 
contributions of furnishings. All kin^s of things were 
given of course, from pianos to kitchen pans. From Mrs. 
Pflaster of Virginia came a load of heirlooms, in various 
colonial patterns — furniture which makes the connoisseur 
positively gasp. Chairs of the Hepplewhite and Sheraton 
periods ; tables made by Phyffe ; tables in the most graceful 
style of Empire furniture; mahogany cabinets, delicately 
inlaid — they gave the place an extraordinary atmosphere. 
Huge, dim, old-gold-framed mirrors and a few fine old 
paintings reinforced the effect. 

Alice Paul's office, which is on the second floor, was done 
in purple and gold; the woodwork of gold, the furniture 
upholstered in purple velvet. 

Later, a large room, originally a stable at the rear of the 
fii"st floor, was transformed into a tea-room. Vivian Pierce 
had charge of the decorations here; and she made it very 
attractive. The brick walls were painted yellow, the tables 
and chairs black. The windows and doors were all enclosed 
in flat frames of brilliant chintz, of which the background 
was black, but the dominating note blue. The many hanging 
lights were swathed in yellow silk. The tea-room rapidly 
became very popular in Washington; and, as rapidly, be- 
came one of the most interesting places in the city. Visitors 
of many distinguished kinds came there in preference to the 
larger restaurants or hotels. They knew the members of 


the Woman's Party who lived in the house, and they 
gradually came to know the habitues of the tea-room. At 
meals, separated parties were always coalescing iato one 
big party. People wandered from table to table. There 
was an air of comradeship and sympathy. Afterwards, 
groups often went up the little flight of stairs which leads 
to the ball-room, and sitting before the fire in the huge fire- 
place, drank their after-dinner coffee together. These talks 
sometimes lasted until midnight. 

As for the atmosphere of the place itself — it can be 
summed up by only one word, and that word is — ^yduth. 
Not that everybody who came to Headquarters was — as 
years go— young. There were, for instance, Lavinia Dock 
who was sixty, Mary Nolan who was seventy, and the Rev. 
Olympia Brown who was an octogenarian. Of course, 
though, when one considers that the Rev. Olympia Brown 
took part in that rain-drenched and wind-driven picket 
deputation of a thousand women on March 4, and that Mary 
Nolan and Lavinia Dock both served their terms in prison, 
one must admit that they were as young in spirit as the 
youngest picket there. But young pickets were there — I 
mean, young in actual years ; young and fresh and gay ; able 
and daring. Alice Paul, herself, whimsically relates what 
an obstacle their very youth seemed to them during the early 
part of the movement. When first they began to wage their 
warfare on the Democratic Party, old Suffragists rebuked 
them ; and rebuked them always on the score that they were 
too young to know any better. " How hard we tried to 
seem old," Alice Paul said. " On all occasions we pushed 
elderly ones into the foreground and when Mrs. Lawrence 
Lewis became a grandmother, how triumphant we were. Oh, 
we encouraged grandmotherhood in those days." But now — 
triumphantly successful — they were no longer afraid of their 
own youth. They knew it was their greatest asset. They 
made the place ring with Its gaiety. They made it seethe 
with Its activity. They made it rock with Its resolution. 
" The young are at the gates ! " said Lavinia Dock. And 


these were young who would not brook denial of their 

As you entered Headquarters, that breath of youth struck 
you in the face with its wild, fresh sweetness. It was as 
pungent as a wind blowing over spring flowers. It was as 
vivid as the flash of spring clouds hurrying over the new 
blue of the sky. In actuality, youthful activity rang from 
every comer of the house. In the white entrance hall, a 
young girl sat at the switchboard; and she was always a 
very busy person. To the left was the Press Headquarters, 
full of that mad turmoil which, seemingly, is inevitable to 
any Press activity. Upstairs, Alice Paul was always inter- 
viewing or being interviewed; reading letters or answering 
them.; asking questions or giving information; snatching a 
hurried meal from a tray ; dictating all manner of business ; 
or giving the last orders before she darted east, west, north, 
or south. She was sure to be doing one of these things, or 
some of them, or — ^this really seems not an exaggeration — 
all of them. 

All about and from the offices that ran beside the ball-room 
sounded the click of typewriters — some one counted twenty- / 
four typewriters in the house once. Everywhere, you ran 
into busy, business-like stenographers with papers in their 
hands, proceeding from one office to another. If it were 
lunch time, or dinner time, pairs of young girls, with their 
arms around each other's waists, chattering busily, were 
making their way to the tea-room. At night, the big ball- 
room was filled with groups reading magazines at the big 
(and priceless) tables; or talking over the events of the day 
. . . Congress . . . the picketing. Late at night, the 
discussions still went on. Upstairs, they followed each other 
from bedroom to bedroom, still arguing, still comparing 
notes, still making suggestions in regard to a hundred things : 
organizing, lobbying, personal appeal to political leaders, et 
caetera, ad infinitum. The huge, four-poster bed — ^big 
enough for royalty — in Mrs. Lawrence Lewis's room was 
the scene — ^with ardent pickets sitting all over it — of 


many a discussion that threatened to prolong itself until 

And all day long, and all evening long — any time— or- 
ganizers with their harvests of facts and ideas were likely 
to appear from the remotest parts of the country. Young, 
enthusiastic, unconscious of bodily discomfort, if the beds 
were all full, they pulled a mattress onto the floor and slept 
there or curled up on a conch — anything so long as they 
could stay at the friendly, welcoming Headquarters. To mid- 
dle age, it was all a revelation of the unsounded, unplumbed 
depths of endurance in convinced, emancipate, determined 
youth. There was no end to their strength apparently. 
Apparently there was no possibility of palling their spirit. 
Arriving at nine at night from Oregon, they would depart 
blithely the next morning at six for Alabama. To those 
women who had the privilege of taking part, either as active 
participants, or enthralled lookers-on, this will always stand 
out as one of their most thrilling life experiences. Kath- 
erine Rolston Fisher's fine descriptive phrase in regard to it 
all inevitably recurs : " It was," she says, " the renaissance 
of the Suffrage movement." 

Speed was their animating force : " The Suffrage Amend- 
ment passed at once," their eternal motto. 

In the nomenclature of the Great War, the pickets were 
the shock troops of the Suffrage forces. They took the first 
line trenches. The forces of the organization back of them 
secured and maintained these positiops; held those trenches 
until the time came for the next advance. As for the or- 
ganizers working all over the country, they were the air 
force and — still using the nomenclature of that great 
struggle — ^they were like the little, swift, quickly-turning 
chasse-planes which so effectually harassed the huge enemy 

The Woman's Party never grew so big nor its organiza- 
tion so cumbrous that its object was defeated by numbers 
and weight. It was distinguished always by quality rather 
than quantity, and its mechanical organization was sensitive 


and light. It lay over its members as delicately as a cobweb 
on the grass ; and it responded as instantly as a cobweb to 
the touch of changing conditions. News from Washington 
went to the uttermost parts of the country as swiftly as 
electricity could bear it. The results in action were equally 
swift. That was because youth was everywhere, not only 
youth of body, but, perhaps more important, youth of spirit. 
Senators and Representatives frequently marveled at the 
power and strength of an organization which had come to 
fruition in so few years. Had they all visited Headquarters 
— as some of them did — I think that all would have under- 



I HAVE left until now all consideration of a department which 
had been, almost from the very beginning, of great impor- 
tance to the Woman's Party; the most important depart- 
ment of all; the crux of its work; a department which 
steadily augmented in importance — the lobbying. 

From the moment in 1912 that the Suffragists started 
their work in Washington, relations had to be established 
with the House and the Senate. At first, tentative, a little 
wavering, irregular, the lobbying became finally astute, in- 
tensive, and constant. The lobby grew in numbers. After 
the Congressional Committee had become the Congressional 
Union, and had separated from the National American 
Woman Suffrage Association, the latter body sent its own 
lobbyists to Washington. The anti-Suffragists sent lobby- 
ists too. By 1914, the stream had grown to a flood. The 
halls of Congress were never free from this invasion. The 
siege lasted without cessation as long as a Congress was in 
session. " This place looks like a millinery establishment," 
a Congressman said once. 

In the early days, the reception of the lobbyists at the 
hands of Congressmen lacked by many degrees that gracious- 
ness of which, at the very end, they were almost certain. A 
story of this early period taken from the Woman's Party 
card index, is most illuminating. 

Two Suffrage lobbyists were calling on Hoke Smith. " As 
you are Suffragists," Mr. Smith said, "you won't mind 
standing." He himself sat, lounging comfortably in his 
chair. He took out a big cigar, inserted it in his mouth, 
lighted it. The two women said what they had to say, 
standing, while Mr. Smith smoked contemptuously on. 



Those two women were Emily Perry and Jeannette 

The lobbying for the Woman's Party was directed at 
first by Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, Mrs. Gilson Gardner 
was the pioneeir lobbyist, and the first-year lobbyists were 
all women voters. They made reports to Alice Paul and 
Lucy Burns every^ day. First these were oral; later they 
were written. This was the nucleus of the Woman's Party 
card catalogue which has since become so famous. Finally, 
these written reports were put in tabulated form by Mrs- 
Grimes of Michigan. 

As the work grew, unenfranchised women lobbied as often 
as enfranchised. The early lobbyists were: Mrs. Gilson 
Gardner, Mrs. William Kent, Mrs. George Odell, Lucy 
Burns, Abby Scott Baker, Mrs. Lowell Millett. But not 
only the experienced lobbied. As has before been set down 
— following that wise instinct which impelled Alice Paul to 
give her workers glimpses of all phases of the movement — 
as fast as the organizers came back to Washington, she 
sent them up to the galleries of Congress to listen ; she made 
them lobby for a while. And, as has elsewhere been stated, 
this was found to be a mutual benefit. Organizers took the 
temper and atmosphere of Congress back to the States, and 
sometimes to the very constituents of the Congressmen with 
whom they had talked ; they put Congressmen in touch with 
what was happening at home. Whenever a woman visting 
Washington called at Headquarters, Alice Paul immediately 
sent her to the Capitol to lobby the Congressmen and Sena- 
tors of her own State. 

In November, 1916, Anne Martin, as Chairman of the 
Legislative Department, became the head of the lobbying. 
Miss Martin is a born general. She brought to this situa- 
tion an jnstinct for the strategy and tactics of politics. She 
supervised the work of those who were under her, sent them 
up to Congress with specific directions ; received their re- 
ports; collated them; made suggestions for the next day's 


work; developed a closer relation with the constituents and 
kept local chairmen in touch with the States of their own 
Congressmen and Senators. In 1916, Anne Martin ran for 
Senator in Nevada. She had of necessity to relinquish active 
work in Washington for the Woman's Party. 

In the spring of 1916, therefore, Maud Younger who was 
in a position to give her whole time to it, became Chairman 
of the Lobby Committee and chief lobbyist for the Amend- 

At all times this work was hard, and sometimes intensely 
disagreeable. Maud Younger in her Revelations of a 
Woman Lobbyist, gives some of the actual physical strain. 
She says: 

The path of the lobbyist is a path of white marble. And 
white marble, though beautiful, is hard. The House office build- 
.ing runs around four sides of a block, so that when you have 
walked around one floor, you have walked four blocks on white 
marble. When you have walked around each of the five floors 
you have walked a mile on white marble. When you have gone 
this morning and afternoon through several sessions of Congress 
you have walked more weary miles on white marble than a 
lobbyist has time to count. 

But the Woman's Party lobbyists were not balked by the 
mere matter of white marble. In a week they were threading 
that interminable intricate maze of Congressional alleys with 
the light, swift step of familiarity and of determination. All 
day long, they drove from the Visitors' Reception Room 
to Senatorial offices, and from Senatorial offices back to 
the Visitors' Reception Room. They flew up and down in 
the elevators. They found unknown and secret stairways by 
which they made short cuts. They journeyed back and forth 
in the little underground subway which tries to mitigate 
these long distances. At first Congressmen frankly took to 
hiding, and the lobbyist discovered that the Capitol was a 
nest of abris, but in the end, even Congressmen could not 
elude the vi^lance of youth and determination. As for the 
mental and spiritual difficulties of the task — at first, 


Senators and Congressmen were frankly uninterested, or, 
more concretely, irritated and enraged with the Suffrage 
lobbyists. It is not pleasant to have to talk to a man who 
does not want to hear you. The lobbyists had to learn to 
be quiet ; deferential ; to listen to long intervals of complaint 
and abuse; to seem not to notice rebuffs; to go back the 
next day as though the rebuff had not occurred. This is 
not easy to women of spirit. Perhaps it could not have been 
borne, if it had not been a ,labor of love. Many times these 
women had to bolster a smarting sense of humiliation by 
keeping the thought of victory in sight. 

In her Revelations of a Woman Lobbyist, Maud Younger 
tells interestingly and with a very arch touch some of these 
experiences : 

Mr. Huddleston, the thin, blonde type of Congressman, sat at 
his desk in his lo,w-ceilingedj well-lighted office. 

" What is it? " he greeted me when I entered. His manner 
was very brusque, but I refused to be repelled by it. I began to 

" There's always some one hippodroming around here with 
some kind of propaganda," he snapped, interrupting. " We're 
very busy, we've got important things to do, we can't be bothered 
with Woman Suffrage." He made a jerky motion, rattling the 
papers on his desk, and turning his head ito look through the 
window. I thought of several things to say to Mr. Huddleston^ 
but this was obviously the time to say none of them. So I 
murmured, " Thank you," and withdrew. . . . 

Mr. Whaley's face is red; his head is preihaturely gray out- 
side and his thoughts prematurely gray inside. " We don't need 
women voting in South Carolina," he said with a large mas- 
culine manner. " We know how to take care of our women in 
our State. We don't allow divorce for any reason what- 

He was continuing with expressed contempt for Suffrage and 
implied contempt for Suffragists, when the door opened and a 
negro, evidently a clergyman, entered. 

" Get out of here ! " said Mr. Whaley. " You stand in the 
haU till you're called." As the negro hastily retreated, Mr. 
Whaley turned to me and said with pride, " That's the way to 
treat 'em." ... 

A few minutes later, I opened Mr. Sisson's door and saw him, 


very large and rugged, standing with some letters in his hand 
and dictating to a Stenographer. 

" I can't discuss that subject," he interrupted at my first 
words, and then he discussed it at length. He had meant that 
I was not to discuss it. He spoke of women in the kitchen, in 
the nursery, in the parlor. He spoke of her tenderness, her 
charm, her need for shelter and kindness. Wearily shifting from 
one foot to the other, I listened. At last I opened my mouth to 
speak, but he silenced me with a brusque gesture. 

" The reason I'm so lenient with you," he explained — for he 
had allowed me to stand and listen to him — " is because you're 

a woman. If you were a man " He left the end of the 

sentence in dark doubt. What would he have done to a man 
standing dumbly in my place, holding tight to a muff? I shall 
never know. Discretion did not allow me to ask him. 

Mr. Seed sat at his mahogany desk — a large, rather good- 
looking Senator, with gray hair. His record in our card-index 
read : " He is most reactionary, not to say antediluvian." So I 
was not surprised to hear him say slowly and solemnly: 

"Women don't know anything about politics. Did you ever 
hear them talking together ? Well, first they talk about fashions, 
and children, and housework; and then, perhaps about churches; 

and then perhaps — about theatres; and then perhaps " At 

each ".perhaps," he gazed down at his finger-tips where his ideas 
appeared to originate, looking up at me at each new point. 
"And then, perhaps — about literatoor!" he ended trium- 
phantly. " Yes, and that is the way it ought to be," he added, 

" But don't you believe that voting might make women think? " 

At this suggestion he recoiled, then recovered and grew jocose. 

" Do you think I want my wife working against my interests ? 
That's just what she'd be doing — voting against me. Women 
can't understand politics." 

I began to teU him about California women voters, but he 
interrupted. " Women wouldn't change things if they did vote. 
They'd all vote just like their husbands." 

Sometimes they said to Miss Younger, " If you were a 

voter " 

" But I am a voter," Miss Younger, who is from Cali- 
fornia, would reply. 

Their attitude invariably changed. 

Miss Younger comments: "They said they respected 


femininity, but it was plain that they did respect a voter." 

It was hard, hard work. 

The lobbying was immensely more detailed and compli- 
cated than an outsider would ever suspect. All the time, of 
course, they were working for the passing of the Anthony 
Amendment. That was their great objective, but, as in all 
warfare, the campaign for the great objective was divided 
into many tiny campaigns. At the beginning of the Con- 
gressional Union work in Washington, for instance, they 
lobbied Senators and Representatives to march in the big 
parade of March 3, 1913. Later they lobbied them to go 
to mass-meetings, to attend conventions. In 1916, when they 
were having such difficulty with the Judiciary Committee, 
they lobbied Republicans and Democratic members of that 
Committee to get them to act. By a follow-up system, they 
sent other lobbyists in a few days to see if they had acted. 
When the Suffrage Envoys came back from the West, 
they lobbied Congressn^en to receive them. In the Presi- 
dential election of 1916, they lobbied Congress first to get 
* Suffrage planks in both Party platforms and when these 
planks proved unsatisfactory, they lobbied the Republican 
Suffragists in Congress to get Hughes to come out for the 
Federal Amendment and when Hughes came out for it, they 
lobbied the Democratic Congressmen to get the President to 
come out for it. When the Special War Session met, in April, 
1917, fifty Woman's Party lobbyists lobbied Congress — 
covering it in a month. When the Irish Mission visited Con- 
gress, and two hundred and fifty voted for the freedom of 
Ireland, they lobbied these Congressmen to vote for the 
freedom of women. When the arrests of the pickets began, 
they lobbied their Congressmen to go to see their constituents 
in jail. The Woman's Party kept track of how Congress- 
men voted on different measures and wherever it was pos- 
sible, they linked it up with Suffrage. To the Congressmen 
who voted against war, they sent lobbyists who could show 
what an influence for peace the women could be. 
To those who voted for war, they sent the women, 


who were war workers, to show how women could work 
for war. 

Before the six years' .campaign of the Woman's Party was 
over, the Republicans were sometimes sending Congressmen 
of one State to convert the unconverted ones of another, 
and, in the end, the young Democratic Senators had actually 
appointed a comn^ttee to get Suffrage votes from their older 
confreres. After Congress passed the Amendment, they lob- 
bied the Congressmen to write the governors to call special 
sessions of the Legislature in the interests of ratification ; 
then they lobbied them to write the Legislators; then they 
lobbied them to write political leaders. 

Perhaps the hardest interval in their work was that which 
followed the campaign of 1916. Wilson had been elected 
again on the slogan, "He kept us out of war." The Re- 
publicans did not want to hear anything about the women 
voters of the West. The Woman's Party lobbyists, who 
were often more informed on the Republican situation in 
parts of the West than were the Republicans themselves, 
had to educate them. They had to show them how remiss 
the Republicans themselves had been during that campaign, 
how Hughes for instance came out for Suffrage in the East, 
where women did not vote, and never mentioned it in the 
West, where they did. It was not easy work. Sometimes 
Congressmen would take up papers or letters and examine 
them, while the lobbyist was talking. Nevertheless, she 
would continue. And then, inevitably the degree of her in- 
formation, her clear and forceful exposition of the situation, 
would arouse interest. Often in the end, the erstwhile in- 
different Congressman would shake hands and bow her out. 

As to the mechanics of lobbying work, perhaps nothing is 
more interesting than the cards themselves of the famous 

No. 1 — Contains the member's name and his biography as 
contained in the Congressional Directory. 
No. 2 — ^A key card has these headings: 


Ancestry, Nativity, Education, Religion, Offices Held, General 

No. S — ^A sub-card under the foregoing, as are those yet to be 
given, contains these headings: Birth, Date, Place, Number of 
Children, Additional Information. 

Nos. 4, 5, and 6 — ^Are respectively for Father, Mother, 
Brothers. They have headings to elicit full information on these 
subjects, as Nativity, Education, Occupation. 

No. 7 — Education: Preparatory School and College. 

No. 8 — Religion: Name of Church, Date of Entrance, Position 
Held in Church, Church Work. 

No. 9 — Military Service: Dates, Offices, Battles, Additional 

No. 10 — Occupation: Past, Present. 

No. 11 — Labor Record. 

Nos. 12 and 18 — ^Are set aside for Literary Work and Lecture 

No. 14 — Newspapers: Meaning what newspapers the member 
reads and those that have the most influence over him. 

Nos. 15 and 16 — ^Are respectively for Recreation and Hobbies. 

Nos. 17 and 18 — ^Are devoted to Health and Habits. 

No. 19 — Political Life Prior to Congress: Offices Held. 
Whether Supported Prohibition Amendment, Offices Run For. 

No. 20 — Political life in Congress: Terms, Date, Party, Bills 
Introduced, Bills Supported, Committees. 

No. 21 — Suffrage Record: Outside of Congress, In Congress. 

No. 22 — Votes cast in Election of Member. 

In an interview in the New York Times of March 2, 1919, 
Miss Younger describes the working of this system. 

If a Congressman said to a lobbyist, for instance, " I do not 
think my district is much interested in Woman Suffrage^ I get 
very few letters in favor of it from my constituents," then, 
immediately, by means of the information gained through the 
card-index, a flood of pro-Suffrage letters would descend upon 
him. Always, as far as possible, these letters would come from 
people he knew or who were influential. 

If a Congressman had a financial backer, they tried to get at 
him. If he were from a strong labor district, they appealed to 
Labor to bring its influence to bear upon him. 

When the lobbyist started for Congress, she was given a 
lobbying slip which had a list of entries printed on it. For 
instance, one heading was " Exact statements and remarks." 


Miss Younger told me of one Congressman who said to heri 
" Put me down on the mourners' bench. I am thinking about 
it." Immediately Headquarters became very busy with this 

Another said, "Women in my State do not want it." Miss 
Younger, commenting on that, said that it was always an en- 
couraging case. We see immediately that he gets shoals of letters 
and telegrams from his State. One Congressman on whom such 
a campaign was waged said finally: " If you will only stop, I 
will vote for the Amendment. It keeps my office force busy all 
day answering letters about Suffrage alone." 

The hardest Congressmen to deal with were those who said, 
" I will not vote for it if every voter in my State asks me." To 
such a one, we would send a woman from his own district. In 
one case, the Congressman was so rude to her that she came 
back to Headquarters, subscribed a hundred dollars to our funds, 
departed, and became a staunch Suffragist. We kept a list of 
men of this type and we sent to them any woman who was 
wavering on Suffrage. It never failed to make her a strong 

Any bit of information on these cards might be used. If a 
man played golf, that might be a happy moment for a member 
of the Woman's Party to talk Suffrage with him. If he had the 
kind of mother who was an influence in his life, they tried to 
convert the mother. If it was the wife who was the ruling 
influence, they tried to convert the wife. They were careful even 
in regard to brothers. The habits of Congressmen as disclosed 
by this index were of great importance. Some of them got to 
their office early, and that was often the best time to speak with 
them. If a Congressman drank, it was necessary to note that. 
Then when the lobbyists found him muddled and inarticulate, 
they knew to what to impute it. 

Of course information of a blackmailing order was occasionally 
offered from outside sources to the Woman's Party, but, of ' 
course, this was always ignored. 

From 1916 on, the years in which Maud Younger was in 
charge of the lobby committee, twenty-two Senators changed 
their position in favor of Suffrage. 

I have said that it was difficult for a Congressman to elude 
these swift and determined scouts of the Woman's Party. 
But harder still was it to elude a something, an unknown 
quality — an x — which had come into the fourth generation 


of women to demand enfranchisement. That quality was 
political-mindedness. Congressmen had undoubtedly before 
run the gamut of feminine persuasiveness; grace; charm; 
tact. But here was an army of young Amazons who looked 
them straight in the eye, who were absolutely informed, who 
knew their rights, who were not to be frightened by bluster, 
put off by rudeness, or thwarted either by delay or political 
trickery. They never lost their tempers and they never gave 
up. They never took " No " for an answer. They were 
young and they believed they could do the impossible. And 
believing it, they accomplished it. Before the six years and 
a half of campaign of the Woman's Party was over, Con- 
gressman after Congressman, Senator after Senator paid 
tribute — often a grudged one — to the verve and elan of that 

But though they talked man fashion, eye to eye, the lob- 
byists, when returned to Headquarters, were full of excellent 
information and suggestions and all that mysterious by- 
product which comes from feminine intuition. 



Although it is impossible to do justice to any department 
of the National Woman's Party, it seems particularly dif- 
ficult in the case of the organizers. The reason for this is 
not far to seek. These young women were, turned loose, 
sometimes quite inexperienced; sometimes only one to a 
State, with the injunction to come back with their shield 
or on it. They always came back with their shield — that is 
to say an organization of some sort in the State they had 
just left. As has been before stated, the National Woman's 
Party has organized in every State in the Union at some 
time during its history — ^that is between the years 1912 and 
1919. As has also been stated, the organizers divided into 
three groups — those who worked in the first two years ; ihpse 
who worked in the middle two; those who worked in the 
last two. 

It has been shown with what • careful instruction Alice 
Paul sent these young adventurers into the wide wide world 
of unorganized States ; but perhaps justice has not been done 
to the trust she placed in them and the consequent extraor- 
dinary results. She kept in close telegraphic communication 
with them all the time — and yet always, she left them free 
to make big decisions and sudden changes in policy. " She 
made us feelthat we could do it in the first place," one of 
them said to me, " and somehow we did. That sense we had 
of her — ^brooding and hovering back there in Washington — 
always gave us courage; always gave us the physical 
strength to do the things we did and the mental strength to 
make the decisions we made." 

As one looks through the lists of these three groups of 
prganizers, one is astounded at the various kinds of work 



they did; their versatility. Mabel Vernon for instance. 
Her activities form an integral part of the Woman's Party 
history. Mabel Vernon traveling ahead of Sara Bard Field 
in her spectacular automobile trip across the country, was 
more responsible than anybody, except Mrs. Field herself, 
for the success of that trip. Mabel Vernon challenged the 
President in the course of his speech at the laying of the 
corner-stone of the new Headquarters of the Ambrican Fed- 
eration of Labor in Washington. Mabel Vernon was one 
of the women who dropped the banner in the Senate when 
the President came to speak before them. Mabel Vernon 
picketed and went to jail. Mabel Vernon seems to have 
organized or spoken in every State in the Union. 

Elsie Hill, Doris Stevens — you find them everywhere, 
luminous spirits with a new modern adjunct of political- 
mindedness. Abby Scott Baker was always on the wing. 

One's mind stops at the names of Vivian Pierce, Lucy 
Branham, Mary Gertrude Fendall, Hazel Hunkins. How 
many and what vaj-ying and difficult things they did ! Vivian 
Pierce in addition to speaking and organizing and picketing 
activities, ^edited the Suffragist, and designed the charming 
tea-room at Headquarters. As for Lucy Branham — she 
must have seemed a stormy petrel to all opposing forces — she 
had so much the capacity of being everywhere at once. 

When one comes to the last group, a sense — almost of 
awe — is leavened by a decided sense of amusement. Julia 
Emory, Betty Gram, Anita PoUitzer, Mary Dubrow, Cath- 
erine Flanagan are all little girls. But in Suffrage work, 
they were active, insistent, and persistent in inverse ratio 
to their size. In ratification, that legislature was doomed 
on which any two of them descended. 

What they accomplished! Once Alice Paul turned Anita 
Pollitzer loose on the entire State of Wyoming and Anita 
Pollitzer brought Wyoming into camp. It is impossible to 
do justice to all of them, to any of them. But as an example 
of how they worked, I am quoting from letters written by 
Anita Pollitzer describing various experiences in her work 


of organization. I use Miss PoUitzer's letters, not because 
tRey are exceptional but because they are typical. Space 
will not permit me to do equal justice to any of the others. 
But perhaps some day all those marvelous narratives will be 
collected. Miss PoUitzer writes me as follows: 


" Campaign against the party in power " — ^late October, 1918 
—snow on the ground and no friends in the State — ^traveled 
miles to get help of most influential woman, found her lying on 
the floor of a church with brass tacks and a hammer — She 
said she was " chairman of the committee on laying carpets in 
the church," and that was all she could undertake. 

Ch^enne wonderfully beautiful — ^plains — ^most exceptional 
place for campaign purposes — forty minutes between street cars 
— snow miles high and every woman demanding a separate visit. 
Influenza epidemic so bad that it was considered immoral for 
six women to meet in a parlor — only way was to campaign by 
dodgers and street signs — Got permission from owner of build- 
ing to put a forty foot purple, white, and gold sign, suspended 
it from the most prominent building — Town literally gathered 
in groups to see it — I got up next morning at seven and sign 
was down — I had " antagonized " — so I went to call on the 
Mayor and we toured the town, and rehung the sign on an even 
more important street, and I had double publicity, the Mayor 
taking full responsibility for the sign even inquiring if it 
would " run in the rain." 

Such fearful snow, could get no billboard men to put up my 
big paper signs outside of the cities, and I wanted them on 
cross-country roads. I met a woman delivering newspapers, 
explained our campaign and my difliculties, and she offered us 
her eighteen-year-old daughter and a box of stickers, and we 
tramped the automobile roads and papered the tree trunks — 

This is my first National Woman's Party trip. Wyoming a 
real adventure — South where I have always lived (Charleston, 
South Carolina) so utterly unlike — When I went out to mail 
my thousands of circular letters each night at two a.m. funny 
Filipino bell boys and other kinds would escort me and carry 
the thousands of circular letters to mail box. Local post-oflice 
really asked me to be " more considerate." 


South Carolina 

Getting Senator Pollock's vote seemed largely a question of 
getting the farmers of South Cardlina. If Pollock (the Pro- 
gressive) was to beat Senator Smith (the Reactionary) he must 
please the farm element. 

So I journeyed out to Mayesville — arrived on hog-killing day 
— at the house of Dabs — impressive person, leading farmer of 
South Carolina. We ate all day, and sat around a glorious fire, 
and in the afternoon Mr. Dabs wrote a letter that he gave me 
to take to town to mail that helped more than we'll ever know. 
In the letter Dabs spoke for the farmers, urged Pollock to declare 
for the Suffrage Amendment, and ended, " We farmers are doing 
little talking but a lot of thinking." 

I always believed if Pollock voted, he would vote " Yes." But 
Mrs. William P. Vanghan of Greenville, our State Chairman, 
and I tramped the State up and down, saying, " There'll be no 
vote — unless Pollock declares." 

Finally one night Senator Pollock's secretary appeared at my 
hotel in Columbia, and he said, " Don't say again that Pollock 
is defeating Suffrage by delay." I said, " Well, then, get him to 
declare." He said, " I'm going to Washington, going tomorrow. 
Good night. We will have a surprise for you within a week — 
within three days." And at once, after weeks and weeks of cam- 
paigning. Senator Pollock of South Carolina broke the Conserva- 
tive record of his State, declared " Yes," and voted " Yes," on 
the freedom of American women. 

When it was all over — his vote and our campaign to get him 
to declare — I came back to Washington, had lunch with him at 
the Capitol, and sat, while he told me of the numerous people 
in South Carolina who had asked him to vote " Yes ! " " You'll 
never know the sentiment that exists in South Carolina," was all 
he said. But I felt we knew. 


Getting the South Florida Press Association at its annual 
meeting to endorse the Federal Suffrage Amendment was mar- 
velous fun — I learned that Senator Trammell had gotten solid 
support from two counties, and owed this support to a man named 
Goolsby — editor. So I hired a car and made for Goolsby. He 
is a very powerful newspaper man. We sat around a log fire, 
with the wife, a parrot, and a cat, and finally he said he was 


going in two days to a meeting of the South Florida Press 
Association, and that he was President. I said, " I'm going too." 
He said, " Well, there's hope while there's life — ^they're against 
you, but you can try." I felt that we could do it, talked it all 
over with him, and said that I would be down to put the resolu- 
tion in regardless of the results — but that I knew it could pass. 

Two days seemed like years. At daybreak — five — I climbed 
in a Ford and arrived at the Press Conference at ten. Goolsby 
was the only one I knew. He introduced me to the Resolutions 
Committee. I sat through speeches and speeches. At noon came 
a luncheon. The Chairman of the Resolutions Committee took me 
to that. Then an auto ride all through the orange groves — we 
got out and picked them, talking Suffrage all the while. Only the 
Resolutions Committee and I were in the car. The Chairman of 
the Committee finally said out of a clear sky to the elderly 
gentleman at my left — a strong anti — " I believe we ought to 
pass a resolution or something, don't you, thanking Miss PoUitzer 
for coming? " — all in joke. I said: " No, but you ought to pass 
a resolution urging your own Florida Senators to stand behind 
President Wilson. They're not." He said, " They should." I 
said, " Well, let's pass it." So in the car, speeding along, thanks 
to the marvelously smooth roads and my luncheon friend — we 
wrote the resolution. The old editor said, " What."* Suffrage! " 
My young one said, " Yes ; Suffrage ; standing back of President 
Wilson." When we got back, my old editor said : " Say, let's 
make that strong — we've got to go on record unmistakably for 
Wilson." He worked — Goolsby worked — of course the young 
one worked. I sat and ate oranges. It was all done — in less 
than fifteen minutes. The Resolutions Committee reported out a 
glorious resolution, calling on Senators Trammell and Fletcher 
to support the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, and it passed 
unanimously. The Resolution read: "Be it resolved that we 
stand with President Wilson in his advocacy of Woman Suffrage, 
and we urge our Representatives in Congress to vote for the en- 
franchisement of women ! ! ! " 

The most exciting adventure of my life was " holding up the 
Florida legislature " till midnight so Governor Catts could send a 
resolution in asking Trammell and Fletcher (Senators) to vote 
for Suffrage. I saw Senator Trammell in Washington, and he 
said he had not decided how he would vote on the Amendment. 
That his vote would represent " the people " — I asked him if in 
our government a State legislature didn't represent " the will of 
the people." He said, " Yes, but I don't intend to instruct my 
legislature." I said: " No, but maybe your legislature will 


instruct you." I came home and told Miss Paul, who said, 
" Will you go down to Florida tonight? " and Bertha Arnold and 
I went. Helen Hunt, a capable young Jacksonville lawyer, 
joined us, and the campaign began. 

It was absolutely essential to get Governor Catts to send in 
the Resolution, as messages from the Governor only took a ma- 
jority — others a two-third vote, but we didn't want this too 
soon. When we had our votes all there in the Senate, the leader, 
anti, moved that no new business not already in by noon, could 
come up at all — ^the legislature barring everything, to save them- 
selves from Suffrage. This was fearful, as the House was most 
difficult, and we had planned to attack the Senate first. At four 
o'clock the last afternoon of the special session, called simply to 
discuss prohibition, we flew to the Governor's office. Helen 
Hunt, a senator, a member of the House, and I got Governor 
Catts to say he'd send a message at once. 4<.S0 came — 5.30 
came — no message. In terror, I flew down. The Governor's 
oflice was locked — I got one of the House to move a night session 
— we lobbied for that, it carried. The Night Session began at 
eight — Governor Catts still nowhere to be found. Finally, after 
phoning his home every five minutes it seemed — I called at ten 
and they said, " Governor Catts is in bed." — I said we had to 
have him. The person who answered the phone said nothing 
could be done. His secretary had the ofiice keys; he was ill at 
home; his stenographer had the desk keys; she was at a movie. 
These obstacles to be overcome, and Governor Catts to be rushed 
to the Capitol. I flew back to our night session at the Capitol. 
I sent in a little slip-Written message to Mr. Stokes, saying: 
" Trust us — you said you'd help — ^keep this session going — 
filibuster — do anything — don't let them adjourn." I stood in tile 
door and saw him nod " All right," and flew. 

Bertha Arnold in a taxi secured the outer key from the secre- 
tary — ^after arousing secretary and encountering a storm. 

Helen Hunt in another taxi called for Governor Catts, waited 
till he got up from bed and dressed, and brought him and his 
daughter, Ruth, to the Capitol. I meanwhile stopped at a 
Western Union Office and got a messenger boy. He said, " What 
am I t(^ take?" I said, "Me!" He knew the way, and to- 
gether we ran through the streets of Tallahassee at midnight, 
covered every movie, and had the stenographer paged — brought 
her and her escort to the Capitol — produced the desk keys — got 
the resolution. Never was any sound more marvelous than Gov- 
ernor Catts' thud when he walked up those Capitol steps at mid- 
night — ^instantly he rushed it up — ^the door of the House opened 


— there stood my man Stokes, talking and hoarse. He had kept 
them there. The secretary announced, " Message from the Gov- 
ernor," and our resolution was read ! 

The vote was closer than close — didn't pass, but they had to 
stay till the next day at two — we stayed too, and in the morning 
— of the last day — we got a majority petition from the Florida 
legislature which showed Trammell and Fletcher that Florida 
wanted their Suffrage votes. 

When I heard that Senator Trammell was arriving in Lakeland, 
I wired Miss Paul I would stay — Such a hectic and great day. 
I saw him with four antis in the hotel lobby. He looked dumb- 
founded, shook hands, discussed the climate, and acted as though 
I were touristing because Florida was beautiful-r-but he knew. 

Then I went out of his life — but sent others in — all day I got 
out little delegations to him — ^the State Senator from that dis- 
trict — his minister — president of the Bank — ^leading Labor man 
— his editor. Mr. Trammell's one day in Lakeland was a 
Woman's Party event. I asked Mr. Smailes — a strong Labor 
vobA — boyhood friend of Trammell's, to see him. That night 
they all came to me at the hotel and each reported his achieve- 
ment with Park Trammell. 

Smailes said : " I looked at him and said, ' Park — it's funny 
you can't see it and those you were brought up with all can,' and 
Park loqked at me, and he said, ' Well, there's one thing worry- 
ing me a little. I don't want women to get more than their share 
of electors.' I just looked at him, and I said: ' Park, you know 
Mrs. Smailes don'i want more than her share, but she ain't got 
her share yet; that s what she's asking for.' " 

I said, " Mr. Smailes, what do you think that Senator Tram- 
mell will do ? " He said, " I don't know. I've known him since 
we were babies, but he's a Senator now." 

Helen Hunt met Trammell in Jacksonville when he arrived — 
on his " one day " to Lakeland. He said, " Where is she? " 
(meaning me). "Is she still in the State.?" (Miss Younger 
thinks this funny because it shows how scared they are of the 
Woman's Party — even one of us.) 


I think our hotel experiences are so funny. 

We had a terrible time getting any one to consider taking action 
on Suffrage ratification at the Special Session. Virginia legis- 
lature called just for good roads — I went to Roanoke to see 


floor-leader Willis (strongest Suffragist in the House) and he 
announced he was scheduled himself to introduce a bill saying 
that nothing but good roads would come up. After a morning's 
work with Willis, he decided he would bring up Suffrage pro- 
vided Senator Trinkle agreed. He promised to see Trinkle the 
next morning, so I decided I'd better see Trinkle that night. 
Fortunately a train was leaving in ten minutes. I arrived at 
Wytheville at nine p.m. It was black. Senator Trinkle was on 
the platform. I picked him out because he was the biggest man 
obviously and I asked where Senator Trinkle lived and he said, 
" I am Senator Trinkle." When my interview was at an end 
and it was fixed, he said that the last train out had left, and 
that I should go to the hotel, and say to the owner that he said 
to give me the best room. To my great consternation, the hotel 
proprietor escorted me into a room the size of a young stable, 
which contained six beds, explaining, " This is our best room. 
I'll call it a single room for tonight." Never can I describe the 
creaks of the empty five beds all night long. It doesn't sound 
funny, but it was — I and six beds, some of them double, and a box 
of Uneeda crackers and Hershey's milk chocolate. 

The way we got the University of Virginia mass-meeting- was 
amusing. I taught art at the University of Virginia Summer 
School. We had just staged a big pageant at the University. 
Director Maphis was grateful and said he'd do anything I 
wanted. That afternoon. Senator Martin arrived in Charlottes- 
ville, his home, and so I went to see Mr. Maphis to tell him I 
wanted Cabell Hall, the real University of Virginia Hall, and 
he said, " Yes." I phoned Miss Paul and she sent Lucy Bran- 
ham — we advertised with huge sheets on the front of each of the 
eight street cars, in Charlottesville and hand-made slides at 
movies and posters that my Art classes all were given to do as a 
" problem." 

The Hall was full and the wonderful old Jeffersonian Uni- 
versity held its first Federal Suffrage Mass Meeting and passed 
resolutions urging Senator Martin to vote for the Amendment. 
Lucy Branham and I drove to his home the next morning, pre- 
sented him with the resolutions, and described the meeting of his 
own constituents to him. 

Here perhaps is the place to describe the work of the 
Political Department, of which Abby Scott Baker was Chair- 
man. The Political Department supplemented the work 
of the Legislative and Organization Departments. When- 


ever the work of the National Woman's Party demanded 
instant pressure on Congress and on State Legislatures, 
Alice Paul despatched Mrs. Baker at once to the power who 
could exert that pressure. She was a kind of perpetual 
flying envoy for the Woman's Party. 



It will be remembered that after the eight months in 
which the Woman's Party picketed the President, the House 
of Representatives created a Suifrage Committee in Septem- 
ber, 1917. It will also be remembered that during the dis- 
cussion on the floor, in regard to that Committee, Mr. 
Pou, Chairman, made the statement that there was no inten- 
tion of passing the Amendment before the Sixty-sixth Con- 
gress. That Congress adjourned on October 6, 1917. Also, 
it will be remembered that that day, Alice Paul marched 
over to the White House gates carrying a banner inscribed 
with the words of the President: 


It will be remembered too that Alice Paul was arrested 
and sentenced to seven months in jail. 

Following the publicity which came from the Woman's 
Party speakers all over the country and from the news- 
papers, protests of all descriptions began to pour into the 
White House and to the Democratic leaders: letters, resolu- 
tions, petitions. 

Again it will be remembered that a week before Congress 
reconvened on December 3, 1917, all the imprisoned women 
were suddenly released. 

In the new Session — a direct reversal of Mr. Pou's an- 
nouncement of two months earlier that the House would not 
pass the Amendment before 1920 — a day was set for the vote 



on the Suffrage Amendment, a week after Congress assem- 

Again, it should be pointed out that all these things hap- 
pened after those eight months of picketing. 

That important day which the House set was January 10, 
1918. In September, the Suffragists lacked seventy-three 
votes of the passage of the Amendment. Naturally all De- 
cember was spent in working up that vote. The National 
Woman's Party secured statements from Republican leaders 
like Mondell and Kahn, stating the strong Republican sup- 
port of the measure and blaming the Democrats if it were 
defeated. The National Woman's Party worked up the 
Republican majority from three-quarters of the House to 
five-sixths. The Democrats began to be frightened at the 
press statements of the Republicans. They began to work 
to increase their showing, as they feared the country would 
blame them if the Amendment were defeated. 

But more important than any of these things was the 
capitulation of the President which won, as the Woman's 
Party contended it would, the necessary votes in the house. 
On January 9, 1919, one year from the day the Inez Milr 
holland Memorial Deputation visited him. President Wilson 
made his declaration for the Federal Amendment, and on 
January 10, the Amendment was passed in the House by a 
vote of two hundred and seventy-four to one hundred and 

This important epoch ip the history of the Suffrage Move- 
ment, Maud Younger describes in her Revelations of a 
Woman Lobbyist. 

The atmosphere had changed when I returned to Washington. 
Republican Congressmen had suddenly realized what an asset to 
the Republican Party would be their support of Suffrage. Demo- 
crats, seeing the blame that would attach to them for its defeat, 
were becoming alarmed. 

" The country is fixing to blame the Democrats," said Mr. 
Hull, of Tennessee, very thoughtfully, but not quite thought- 
fully enough. As a member of the National Executive Com- 


mittee of the Democratic Party he was thoughtful. As a Con- 
gressman with a vote in the House he was not quite thoughtful 

We lacked sixty votes in the House, and had only three weeks 
to get them. We worked day and night. Our friends in Con- 
gress, brightly hopeful, told us we had votes to spare, but we 
knew the truth. We lacked forty votes, then twenty, then ten, 
but we kept this to ourselves. Unless something happened we 
could not win. 

Then, on January 9, the day before the vote, it happened. 
Late on that afternoon the President invited a deputation of 
Democratic Congressmen to wait on him. Knowing of the ap- 
pointment, we went through the halls of Congress, on wings, all 
day. When the Congressmen went into the White House, a small 
group stood outside in the snow waiting for the first word of that 
interview. After what seemed an interminable time, the doors 
opened. Out came cheery Mr. Baker with the news : " The 
President has declared for the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, 
and will stay home from his game of golf tomorrow morning to 
see any Congressman who wishes to consult him about it." Thus, 
just a year from the day he had told us we must concert public 
opinion. President Wilson declared for Suffrage. 

There was a feeling of victory in the air as we went through 
the corridors that night. Yet our secret poll showed that we 
still lacked votes. We could do nothing more. We could only 
wait and see how much force the President would put behind his 

Scrub women were still at work with brushes and buckets of 
soapsuds when I reached the Capitol that fateful morning. 
From the front row of the gallery we looked down on the floor 
of the House, with its seven rows of empty seats rising in semi- 
circular rows like an amphitheatre. A few people scurried here 
and there, the galleries were rapidly filling. We watched the 
Congressmen come in, sit down, walk about, or stand in groups 
talking and looking up at the galleries. 

At the stroke of eleven all eyes turned toward the door of the 
Speaker's lobby. Chattering ceased. The door opened, and a 
Roman mace appeared and advanced, supported by the Deputy 
Sergeant-at-Arms, who held it in his two hands before him. 
Very solemn, very mindful of his step, he ascended the three 
steps to the Speaker's stand, followed by the Speaker, Champ 
Clark, dignified and magnificent in a tan frock coat, with a 
white flower in the buttonhole. Having ascended, the Sergeant- 
at-Arms laid the mace against the wall where all the Congressmen 


could look at it, and came down again with a little skip on the 
last step, while the Speaker impressively faced the House. 

Prayer and routine business finished, the speeches began. 
Most of them were prosy and dull, delivered not for those who 
heard them, but for constituents hundreds of miles away. In 
the galleries we listened wearily. We had brought luncheon with 
us, which we ate as unobstrusively as possible. We would lose 
our seats if we left them^ for through the ground-glass doors we 
dimly saw waiting multitudes trying to come in. All day the 
largest crowds the doorkeepers had ever known pressed against 
the doors. Inside the speeches droned on. 

" What a dull ending for such a dramatic struggle," said a 
newspaper man, leaning over from the press gallery. I could 
have wished it had been duller, for we never for an instant forgot 
we still lacked votes. We did not know how far the President's 
message had carried since our last possible poll. 

Suddenly a wave of applause and cheers swept over the floor. 
Every head turned toward the Speaker's door, and there, on the 
threshold, we saw Mr. Mann> pale and trembling. For six 
months he had lain in a hospital — his only visitors his wife and 
secretary. It had been said that he would never come back to 
the House. Yet he had come to vote for our Amendment. 

Now, through the skylight, we could see that the afternoon 
had gone, and evening had come. At last the time for speech- 
making ended and the vote was taken. Forty years to a day from 
the first introduction of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in 
Congress, one year exactly from the time the first picket-line went 
to stand before the White House, the Federal SufiPrage Amend- 
ment passed the House of Representatives. It passed with just 
one vote to spare. Six votes came to us through the President. 
He had saved the day! 

Outside the doors of the gallery a woman began to sing, 
Praise God from whom all blessings flow. Others took it up, 
more and more voices joined, and through the halls of the 
Capitol there swelled our song of gratitude. Louder and louder 
it rose and soared to the high arches, and was carried out into 
the night to die away at last in the far distances. And still in 
our hearts we sang, Praise God from whom all blessings flow. 

But our minds were not at rest, nor our thoughts quiet. Our 
victory was worth nothing unless we could consolidate it quickly. 
To do this we had to win the Senate. And the Senate is farther 
from the people than the House, and much, much harder to move. 


The House of Representatives passed the Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment on January 10, 1918, by a vote of two hundred 
and seventy-four to one hundred and thirty-six. The work 
of the Woman's Party was now concentrated on the Senate. 
They needed only eleven votes there, and many Suffragists 
were optimistic — they thought victory a matter of but a 
few weeks. The Woman's Party knew better. However, in 
the siege of the Senate, they continued their policy — to work 
downwards through the President, and upward through con- 
stituents and political leaders from the people. 

In summing up the situation in the Senate, Alice Paul 

If the Republicans had the vision to see that it was a wise 
Party policy to secure the credit for the passage of the Amend- 
ment in the House, and the Democrats believed it an unwise 
Party policy to be responsible for its defeat — the same argument 
must hold for the vote in the Senate, for while more than two- 
thirds of the Republicans had already promised their votes, only 
half the Democrats are at present pledged in the Senate. 

The effect of the passing of the Susan B. Anthony Amend- 
ment in the House was, however, not only profound, but im- 
mediate. In February, the Republican National Committee 
met in St. Louis for the selection of a Chairman. Abby 
Scott Baker appeared before the committee, urging a favor- 
able stand on the Susan B. Anthony amendment. Two women 
representing the anti-Suffragists were also to speak. How- 
ever, when the anti-Suffragist speakers presented themselves 
before the Committee, they found that it had already voted a 
resolution commending the stand of the Republican members 



of the House of Representatives in favor of the Suffrage 
Amendment. This was the first favorable expression of the 
National Republican Party on the question of Federal 

Minnie Bronson said of jbhe anti-Suffragist members: 

I looked round for the thirty members who last night were 
opposed to Suffrage. I wonder what changed them over night. 

Lucy Price, also an anti-Suffragist, asserted: 

Your action without even hearing us was worse than a be- 
trayal of us who are opposed to Suffrage. It was an admission 
that Party pledges are meant to be broken. 

The Executive Committee of the Democratic National 
Committee, which met that same day in Washington, held a 
telegraphic referendum of their entire national committee on 
the question of the Amendment. It is interesting to note 
that this was done at the instance of the Democratic woman 
who had charge of the Democratic campaign among women 
in 1916, when the Woman's Party made Suffrage the great 
issue. This telegraphic referendum showed more than a two 
to one desire for the national committee to take action that 
would put it on record as " urging the support " of the 
Amendment. The Executive Committee, therefore, adopted 
the resolution, endorsing the Federal Suffrage measure, and 
by a vote of five to two, calling upon the Senate to act at 
once favorably upon it. 

For months thereafter, the Woman's Party concentrated 
on obtaining the necessary eleven votes in the Senate. It 
was a period of comparative calm. There was no militant 
action of any kind. The pickets had all been released in 
December, and, although the appeal cases were coming up 
in the courts at intervals, picketing seemed an abandoned 

In her Revelations of a Woman Lobbyist, Maud Younger 
describes very delightfully how the first nine votes were 
obtained : 


" We should get Senator Phelan now," said Miss Paul. " He 
opposed Federal Suffrage because the President did. Now that 
the President has come out for it. Senator Phelan should do so. 
Send for him." 

I sent in my card and he came at once, very neat in a cut- 
away coat, his eyes smiling above his trimmed sandy beard. 
" Of course I'll vote for the Amendment," he said, as though he 
had never thought of anything else. He was plainly glad to 
have an excuse for changing his position. 

" That leaves ten to get," said Miss Paul. " Let's go and see 
Senator McCumber." The Senator from North Dakota is sandy 
and Scotch and cautious, and, like many other Senators, thinks 
it would be weak and vacillating to change his opinion. 

" I voted against it in 1914. I cannot vote for it in 19I8," 
he said. " I cannot change my principles." 

" But you can change your mind ? " 

" No, I could not do that." 

" Then you might change your vote," said I, urging progress. 
He, too, saw progress, but was wary of it. Looking cautioiisly 
around the room and back of us, he said slowly, " If the legis- 
lature of my State should ask me to vote for it, I would feel 
obliged to do so." 

That same night Beulah Amidon telegraphed to North Dakota, 
— her own State — to the Chairman of the Republican Party and 
the Non-Partisan League that controls the Legislature; to her 
father. Judge Amidon, and to others. The Legislature immedi- 
ately passed a resolution calling on Senator McCumber to vote 
for our Amendment. Miss Amidon went to see him at once, with 
the news. 

" But I haven't seen how the resolution is worded yet," said 
Senator McCumber cannily. , 

When the resolution arrived some one else went to see him. 

" I want to look it over carefully," he said. When he had 
looked it over carefully, he admitted, " I will vote for the 
Amendment. But to show' loyalty both to constituents and 
principle," he added hastily, " I will speak against it, and vote 
for it." 

" That leaves nine to get," said Miss Paul, counting Senator 
McCumber off on her little finger and turning to a list of other 
legislatures in session. The difiiculty was that the legislatures 
in session did not fit the Senators whose votes we must get. 
Mildred Glines, our Rhode Island chairman, was at our Head- 
quarters, and Senator Gerry of Rhode Island was at the Capitol, 
and not for our Amendment. So Mildred Glines set out at once 


for Rhode Island, where she had a resolution presented and 
passed, and returned with it to Senator Gerry. 

Then I went to see his colleague. Senator Colt. A scholarly- 
looking man, he sat at his desk deep in some volume of ancient 
lore. Arguing with himself while I sat listening, he stated the 
case for Suffrage and Senator Gerry. " But on the other hand," 
he said — and then stated the other side. 

" Yes," he concluded deliberately, but with a twinkle in his 
eye, " Peter will vote for it." 

" That leaves eight to get," said Miss Paul, very thoughtfully. 
" Have you seen Senator King lately .^ " 

Though Senator King is not unpleasant to talk with, if one 
does not broach subjects controversial, persons who appealed to 
his reason had succeeded only in ruffling his manners. He 
smiled blandly and, leaning back in his chair, began what he 
believed to be a perfect case. " I've always been opposed to 
national Suffrage. I said so in my campaign, and the people 
elected me." 

We must appeal to his constituents. But how? His Legisla- 
ture was not in session. Alice Henkle went post-haste to Utah, 
and at once newspapers began to publish editorials; all sorts of 
organizations, civic, patriotic, religious, educational, social, began 
to pass resolutions. Letters poured in upon Senator King. But 
always Miss Henkle wrote us, " They tell me everywhere fiiat ifs 
no use; that Senator King is so 'hard-shelled' that I might as 
well stpp." 

" Go to the Capitol and see," said Miss Alice Paul. 

I had just entered the revolving door when Senator Sheppard, 
hurrying past, stopped to say, " Do you know King is coming 
around! I think we may get his vote." 

So Miss Paul wired Alice Henkle that night: " Redouble 
efforts. They are having good effect." Four weeks later, three 
Senators told me that Senator King had said in the cloak room, 
" I'm as much opposed to Federal Suffrage as ever, but I think 
I'll vote for it. My constituents want me to." 

" That leaves six to get," said Miss Paul, " counting Senator 
Culberson too." For while we had been busy in Washington, 
Doris Stevens and Clara Wolfe had been busy in Texas on the 
trail of Senator Culberson. 

The national committees of both political parties had taken a 
stand for Federal Suffrage in February. Also, Colonel Roosevelt 
and other Republican leaders were writing to Senators whose 
names we furnished, urging their support. 

" Now," said Senator Curtis, smiling, " I think we'll get 


Harding and Sutherland. They both want to vote for it, but 
their States are against it. I'll go see them again. Keep the 
backfires burning in their States." 

Senator Curtis has the dark hair and skin of Indian ancestry, 
and perhaps his Indian blood has given him his quick sense of 
a situation and his knowledge of men. Without quite knowing 
how it happened — ^it may have been his interest in listening or 
his wisdom in advising — he had become the guiding friend, the 
storm-center of our work on the Republican side of the Senate. 

" Colonel Roosevelt has written to Senator Sutherland too," 
I thought hopefully, while I sat waiting for him in the marble 
room. He came out, and said almost at once, " I've just had a 
letier from Colonel Roosevelt asking me to vote for your Amend- 

"Have you.?" said I. 

" Yes. But I wish he had told me how I can do it, when the 
overwhelming sentiment of my State is against it." I spoke of 
something else, but that night I reported this remark to Doris 
Stevens and Abby Scott Baker. Both of them immediately 
wrote to Colonel Roosevelt. Later, I again saw Senator Suther- 
land. He had evidently forgotten our former conversation. 

" I've had a letter from Colonel Roosevelt about your Amend- 
ment," he said. " It's the second time he has written to me about 
it. He wants me to come to Oyster Bay so he can give me 
reasons for voting for it." 

" I should think it would be awfully interesting to go," I 
encouraged gently. And soon we checked off Senator Suther- 
land's name on our lists, and said, " Five more to get." 

" Do you think we can get Borah? " I asked Senator Curtis. 
" He's one of the fathers of the Amendment. He introduced it in 

" He says he did that by request." 

" It doesn't say so in the Record. Doesn't a man always say 
so when it is so ? " 

" That is usual," said Senator Curtis, stroking his mustache 
and not meeting my eyes, and I knew he said only half of what 
he thought. , 

" I think I'll go and see him at once." 

Senator Borah is a most approachable person, but when you 
have approached, you cannot be sure you have reached, YoU 
see him sitting at his desk, a large unferocious, bulldog type of 
man, simple in manner. You talk with him, and you think he 
is with you through and through. . . . But you never quite 
know. . . . Sometimes you wonder if he knows. 


In April, Senator Gallinger told Miss Paul that the Repub- 
licans counted four more votes for Suffrage — Kellogg, Harding, 
Page, and Borah. "We understand Borah will vote for the 
Amendment if it will not pass otherwise. But he will not vote 
for it if it will pass without him. But if his vote will carry it, 
he will vote for it." 

Thus far we had come on our journey toward the eleven, when 
Senator Andreus Aristides Jones of New Mexico, Chairman of the 
Woman Suffrage Committee, rose in the Senate and announced 
that on May 10 he would move to take up the Suffrage resolu- 
tion. There was great rejoicing. We thought that now the Ad- 
ministration would get the needed votes. 

Indeed, with only two votes more to get, everything looked 

In May, members of the Woman's Committee of the 
Council of National Defense were received by the President 
and Mrs. Wilson. 

Florence Bayard Hilles, State Chairman in Delaware for 
the National Woman's Party, who had campaigned for the 
Liberty Loan throughout her State, and was then working 
in the Bethlehem Steel Plant, as a munition maker, said to 
the President: 

Mr. President, it would be a great inspiration to all of us in 
our war work if you would help towards our immediate enfran- 

Behind Mrs. Hilles came Mrs. Arthur Kellam, who is 
Chairman of the Woman's Party in New Mexico, who said : 

Mr. President, we, women of the West, are growing very 
restless indeed waiting for the long-delayed passage of the 
Federal Suffrage Amendment. Won't you help to secure this 
recognition of citizens? The women of New Mexico and many 
other States have no redress save through the Federal Amend- 
ment. They are eagerly waiting for action on this measure in 
the Senate. Will you help us ? 

The President, with marked cordiality, answered: 
" I will/ I will do all I can." 


In the meantime, the President was receiving picturesque 
groups of many descriptions: Pershing's Veterans went to 
the White House; the Blue Devils of France, Finally a 
group of women munition workers from the Bethlehem 
Plant, led by Florence Bayard Hilles, came to Washington 
to see the President in regard to Suffrage They were: 
Catherine Boyle ; Ada Walling ; Mary Gonzon ; Lula Patter- 
son ; Marie McKenzie ; Isabel C. Aniba ; Lilian Jerrold ; Mary 
Campbell; Mildred Peck; Ida Lennox. The experience of 
the war workers was amusing. They wrote at once asking 
for an interview with the President. Mr. Tumulty responded 
saying that the President bade him to tell them that " noth- 
ing you or your associates could say could possibly increase 
his very deep interest in this matter." 

Mrs. Aniba despatched an answer, again asking for an 
interview. She said among other things: 

The work I do is making detonators, handling TNT, the 
highest of all explosives. We want to be recognized by our 
country as much her citizens as soldiers are. 

Every day this little group went to the White House and 
sat, waiting. They made a picturesque detail in the exceed- 
ingly picturesque war flood surging through the White 
House, wearing bands printed with the words, munition 
workers on their arm and their identification badges. They 
knitted all the time. At first, one of the secretaries explained 
to them, " You are very foolish. You may have to wait 
for weeks. Even Lord Reading had to come back four 
times before he saw the President ! " 

Later, an under-secretary said : " You are becoming a 
nuisance. Other people have more consideration than to 
keep coming back; but you persist and persist." 

" Even Lord Reading had to come back four times before 
he saw the President," quoted one of the munition ^rls. 

They waited two weeks, but in the end they had to go 
back to work. They wrote a letter to the Senate, however, 
which was read there. 

May 10 approached. I resume Miss Younger's narrative: 

When the proper time arrived next day. Senator Andreus 
Aristides Jones arose in his place. The galleries were packed. 
Our forces were all present except the three missing votes. 
There was Senator Smith of Michigan, who had come from 
California; Senator Smith of Arizona, who had left a sick rela- 
tive to be present for the vote; and there were others who had 
come from far and wide. Senator Jones in the hush of a great 
moment, rose and announced that he would not call up the 
Amendment that day. 

Our opponents looked at him and, grinning, taunted: " Haven't 
you got the votes? " " We want to vote today." " We're ready 

Finally the women filed out of the galleries and went home, 
and the Senate resumed its usual business. 

Later, however, Senator Jones announced that on June 27 
he would take up the Suffrage Resolution. 
Miss Younger says: 

Senator Jones does not act on mad impulse. No one could 
imagine that placid, unhurried man buckling on his armor and 
brandishing his sword to lead his forces a second time up a 
blind alley only to lead them back again. Senator Jones was a 
strong Administration man and would not act without approval. 

Moreover, he was a sincere Suffragist. In fact, he was a 
Father of the Amendment. So we kept at work, aiding and 
abetting all its Fathers. For the disabilities of fathers are 
manifest when you c<)mpare them with mothers. A father is so 
casual, especially when his child is an Amendment to the Con- 

" Nagging ! " said Senator Lenroot viciously, when I asked 
him to speak to Senator Borah. " If you women would only stop 
nagging ! " And making a savage face at me, he hurried down 
the hall. 

I stood still. It was but the second time we had spoken to 
him since he had come to the Senate. I wondered if he thought 
we liked " nagging " ; if we liked going to the Capitol day after 
day, tramping on marble floors, waiting in ante-rooms — some- 
times rebuffed, sometimes snarled at. I wondered if he thought 
we could do it for anything but a great cause — for the thousands 
of women toiling in the factories, for the thousands struggling 
under burdens at home. And then I bit my lips to keep back the 


tears, and putting aside such uncomfortable things as feelings, 
and putting forward such solacing things as a lace jabot and a 
smile, I sent for another Senator. 

Senator Martin, of silvery white hair and determined manner 
would not sit down and talk Suffrage, nor would he stand up 
and talk Suffrage. The only way to discuss Suffrage with 
Senator Martin was to run beside him down the hall. 

" The good women of Virginia do not want Suffrage," he said, 
breaking almost into a trot, with eyes on his goal, which was 
an elevator. 

" But if you were convinced that the good women of Virginia 
do want it ? " you replied, breaking almost into a run, with your 
eyes on him. 

" It's only the professional agitators I hear from," he an- 

It is interesting to talk Suffrage with Senator Martin, and very 
good exercise. But it was still more interesting to watch a 
deputation of good Virginia women talking to him. 

" Every one knows where I stand, and yet the ladies waylay 
me all about the halls," he complained. Yet when we had spoken 
before the Platform Committee of the Democratic Convention in 
St. Louis, he told me : "I said to those men, ' There isn't an 
equal number of you that could make as good speeches as those 
women made.' " So he was not to be considered as hopeless, 
though the path to his salvation was a strenuous one. 

In June, Carrie Chapman Catt, President of the Interna- 
tional Woman Suffrage Alliance, transmitted to the Presi- 
dent a memorial from the French Union for Woman Suf- 
frage asking him in one of his messages to proclaim the 
principle of Woman Suffrage to be one of the fundamental 
rights of the future. 

The President replied in the following letter: 

I have read your message with the deepest interest, and I 
welcome the opportunity to say that I agree, without reservation, 
that the full and sincere democratic reconstruction of the world, 
for which we are striving, and which we are determined to bring 
about at any cost, will not have been completely or adequately 
attained until women are admitted to the Suffrage. And that only 
by this action can the nations of the world realize for the benefit 
of future generations the full ideal force of opinion, or the full 
humane forces of action. 


The services of women during this supreme crisis bf the 
world's history have been of the most signal usefulness and dis- 
tinction. The war could not have been fought without them or 
its sacrifices endured. It is high' time that some part of our debt 
of gratitude to them should be acknowledged and paid, and the 
only acknowledgment they ask is their admission to the Suffrage. 
Can we justly refuse it? 

As for America, it is my earnest hope that the Senate of the 
United States will give unmistakable answer to this question by 
passing the Suffrage Amendment to our Federal Constitution 
before the end of this session. 

Cordially and sincerely yours, 

WooDRow Wilson. 

Miss Younger says: 

The twenty-seventh of June approached. Again we were in the 
marble room talking with Senators. Absentees were on trains 
hurrying to Washington. The antis were in the reception-room 
knitting votes into their wool. The Capitol thrilled with excite- 
ment. Even the Senators seemed to feel it. This time Suther- 
land would vote " yea," and several opponents were absent. If 
none of them paired with a Suffrage Senator we could just 
manage the necessary majority. And the White House was 
taking a hand. Senator James of Kentucky, in a Baltimore 
hospital, had promised Mr. Tumulty that he would not pair — that 
is, that he would not ask a Suffrage Senator to refrain from 
voting to counterbalance his own enforced absence. Victory 
seemed in our hands. 

The day arrived. The galleries were filled. The Senators 
came in all dressed up for the occasion — here a gay waistcoat or 
a bright tie, there a flower in a button-hole, yonder an elegant 
frock coat over gray trousers. 

Senator Jones arose to take up the Amendment. At once op- 
position developed. Our opponents were willing to have a vote, 
provided all absentees could be paired. Now, if all absentees 
were counted, we would not have enough votes. Senator James' 
promise not to vote had given us our majority. But, stunned, 
we heard Senator Underwood read a telegram from Senator 
James pleading that some Suffragist pair with him. Senator 
Underwood said he had just confirmed the telegram. It was not 
until too late that we learned the truth. The telegram had been 
sent six weeks earlier for another occasion. 

And now Senator Reed had the floor. " Oh, who will pair 


with OUie James?" he cried. "That n-o-oble Ollie James! 
You all khow that great, fine, noble specimen of manhood, Ollie 
James ! A pair ! A pair ! " he cried with tears in his voice and 
arms outstretched. He went on and on. 

We leaned over the balcony and watched Senator Curtis plead- 
ing with Borah, urging him to vote for us and save our Amend- 
ment. We watched breathlessly. We saw Borah listen, smile, 
and then, without a word, rise and walk slowly out of the room. 
We flew down to Senator Curtis. 

" No, Borah won't do it. They say King is going to. Reed 
won't give up the floor unless we withdraw or furnish a pair. 
He and his friends will hold the floor for weeks, if necessary. 
And the military bill must pass before July first. The army 
needs money. You can see for yourself what's happening. It's 
a filibuster." 

Reed was still talking. They say he knows about a great 
many subjects, and I think he talked about all he knew that day. 
But nobody will ever know what they were, for no one listened; 
and he never allowed the speech to be printed in the Record. 

Finally Senator Jones arose and withdrew the motion to take 
up Suffrage. Senator Reed, satisfied, sat down. His filibuster 
had succeeded. He had threatened to hold up the military bill to 
defeat us, so we had withdrawn. The Senate took up the mili- 
tary bill, and we went home. 

" Suffrage is dead for this session," said Senator McKellar. 
" The Senators don't like being nagged any more. They are all 
very tired of it." 

But the Woman's Party did not think it was dead. They 
worked at their usual strenuous pace all summer long. They 
did feel, however, that if the President had exerted himself, 
he could have obtained the two necessary votes for the 
Amendment to pass. They were, moreover, highly indignant 
over the filibuster of a Democratic Senator — ^Reed. Their 
patience was beginning to wear thin. 

In the meantime, the primary Senatorial elections were 
coming up, and the President was taking an active part 
in them. He was working against Senator Vardaman of 
Mississippi and Senator Hardwick of Georgia, both Demo- 
crats of jcourse and Vardaman a Suffragist. In other States, 
he helped to elect anti-Suffragists in the places of Suffra- 


gists. It is true that the President threw a sop to the Suf- 
fragists in that he asked Senator Shields of Tennessee tp 
come out for Suffrage. The Shields incident is interesting. 

Senator Shields was making it his sole issue in the primary 
campaign that he would carry out all the President's war 
policies. Opposing Senator Shields was Governor Rye, a 
Democrat of course, and a Suffragist. 

Maud Younger called at the White House on Secretary 
Tumulty one day to ask him if the President could not do 
something further for Suffrage. Mr. Tumulty's answer was 
to read a letter from President Wilson to Senator Shields, 
asking him to vote for the Suffrage Amendment. Maud 
Younger, with characteristic political astuteness, saw at 
once the possibilities in the publication of that letter. She 
asked Mr. Tumulty for a copy and Mr. Tumulty, with a 
sudden sense of indiscretion, refused. However, Miss 
Younger went back instantly with the story to Head- 
quarters, and presently Sue White and Lucy Branham be- 
came very busy — oh, very busy indeed — in the Tennessee 

On July 26, Senator Shields notified the Suffragists in 
Tennessee that he would see them at three that afternoon. 
He told the fifty women who gathered to meet him that 
" he would hold the matter in consideration." The same 
day a Columbia paper carried the story that President 
Wilson had requested Senator Shields by letter to vote for 
Suffrage. This brought the whole month-old correspondence 
before the public. 

The letters ran as follows: 

The White House, Washington. 
June 20, 1918. 
My Dear Senator: 

I feel so deeply the possibilities latent in the vote which is 
presently to be itaken by the Senate on the Suffrage Amendment 
that I am going to take a liberty which in ordinary circumstances 
I should not feel justified in taking, and ask you very frankly 
if it will not be possible for you to vote for the Amendment. I 


feel that much of the morale of this country and of the world 
will repose in our sincere adherence to democratic principles, 
will depend upon the action which the Senate takes in this now 
critically important matter. If it were merely a domestic ques- 
tion, or if the times were normal, I would not feel that I could 
make a direct request of this sort, but the times are so far from 
normal, the fortunes of nations are so linked together, the re- 
actions upon the thought of the world are so sharp and involve 
such momentous issues that I know that you will indulge my 
unusual course of action and permit me to beg very earnestly 
that you will lend your aid in clearing away the difficulties which 
will undoubtedly beset us if the Amendment is not adopted. 
With much respect. 

Sincerely yours, 

WooDROw Wilson. 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

June 25, 1918. 
Mv DEAR Mr. President : 

Your valued letter concerning the joint resolution proposing 
an Amendment on the Federal Constitution favoring Equal Suf- 
frage, now pending in the United States Senate, has challenged 
my most thoughtful consideration, as do all your views upon 
public matters. The resolution involves fundamental questions 
affecting the sovereignty and powers of the Federal and State 
governments, most important and vital to the people of the State 
which I have the honor in part to represent in the United States 
Senate, and those of States with which they are closely allied 
in all social, economical, and governmental interests, upon which 
I have most profound convictions, unfavorable to it, known, and 
I believe approved, by the great majority of the people of Ten- 
nessee — arrived at after full consideration of conditions existing 
when I voted against a similar one some years ago and those 
now confronting our country. The reasons for my ■ conclusions 
are those controlling the majority of my colleagues from the 
Southern States, well known to you and which would not be 
interesting to here re-state. 

If I could bring myself to believe that the adoption of the 
Resolution would contribute to the successful prosecution of the 
war we are waging with Germany, I would unhesitatingly vote 
for it, because my whole heart and soul is involved in bringing it 
to a victorious issue and I am willing to sacrifice everything save 
the honor and freedom of our country in aiding you to accom- 
plish that end. But I have been unable to do so. We cannot 


reasonably expect the proposed Amendment to be ratified within 
less than two years and the discussion of it would, unques- 
tionably, divert the minds and energies of the people from the 
one great absorbing subject before us — the winning of the war — 
by involviiig those of many States in a most bitter controversy 
contrary to our earnest desire fo^ that unity of thought and 
action of the American people now so imperatively required. 

These are my sincere convictions, but, out of my very high 
respect for your views, I will continue to give your suggestion 
my most thoughtful and earnest consideration. 

With the highest respect, I am. 

Sincerely yours, 

John K. Shields. 

Washington, D. C. 
June 26, 1918. 
Thank you very sincerely for your frank letter of yesterday 
about the Suffrage Amendment. I realize the weight of argu- 
ment that has controlled your attitude in the matter, and I 
would not have written as I did if I had not thought that the 
passage of the Amendment at this time was an essential psy- 
chological element in the conduct of the war for democracy. I 
am led by a single sentence in your letter, therefore, to write to 
say that I do earnestly believe that our acting upon this Amend- 
ment will have an important and immediate influence upon the 
whole atmosphere and morale of the nations engaged in the 
war, and every day I am coming to see how supremely important 
that side of the whole thing is. We can win if we have the will 
to win. 

Cordially and sincerely yours, 

WooDROw Wilson. 

Many believe that had President Wilson — in regard to 
Suffrage — gone over Shields' head to his constituents as — 
in regard to other war policies — ^he had gone over the heads 
of Vardaman and Hardwick to their constituents, Senator 
Shields would have declared in favor of Suffrage. 

On August 2, a letter written by the President to Senator 
Baird of New Jersey was made public : 

The President writes: 

The whole subject of Woman Suffrage has been very much in 
my mind of late and has come to seem to be a part of the interna- 


tional situation^ as well as of capital importance to the United 
States. I believe our present position as champions of democ- 
racy throughout the world would be greatly strengthened if the 
Senate would follow the example of the House of Representa- 
tives in passing the pending Amendment. I, therefore, take the 
liberty of writing to call the matter to your serious attention in 
this light and to express the hope that you will deem it wise to 
throw your influence on the side of this great and now critical 

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson. 

In spite of these letters, which of course were mere re- 
quests, Alice Paul well knew, as did the Senators themselves, 
that President Wilson was doing a little for Suffrage, but 
not all he could. He was not of course doing for the Suf- 
frage Amendment a tithe of what he did for other measures 
in whose success he was interested. Nothing continued to 
happen with monotonous, unfailing regularity. 

The Woman's Party could wait no longer. 



At half-past four on Tuesday afternoon, August 6, a line 
of nearly one hundred women emerged from Headiiiuarters, 
crossed the other side of the street to the Park ; turned into 
Pennsylvania Avenue. At the head of the long line floated 
the red, white, and blue of the American flag carried by 
Hazel Hunkins. Behind it came, banner after banner and 
banner after banner, the purple, white, and gold of the 
National Woman's Party tri-color. The line proceeded 
along Pennsylvania Avenue until it came to the statue of 
Lafayette just opposite the east gate of the White House. 
All along the way, the crowds cheered and applauded the 
women ; soldiers and sailors saluted the red, white, and blue 
as it passed. 

At the Lafayette monument, two banner bearers emerged 
from the group; and stationed themselves on the platform 
at the base of the statue. 

One of them, Mary Gertrude Fendall, bore Inez Milhol- 
land's banner, inscribed with her memorable last words: 


The other, borne by Clara Wold and Blanche McPherson, 
carried what was really the message of the meeting: 










The other banner bearers marched to both sides of the 
statue where they made solid banks of vivid color. Mrs. 
Lawrence Lewis stepped forward. " We are here," she said, 
" because when our country is at war for liberty and democ- 
racy. ..." 

At the word " democracy," the police, who had been draw- 
ing nearer and nearer, placed her under arrest. Other 
women standing about her were arrested, although they had 
not even spoken. 

For a moment there was a complete silence. 

Then Hazel Hunkins, who had led the line carrying the 
American flag, leaped upon the base of the statue and said: 

Here, at the statue of Lafayette, who fought for the liberty of 
this country, and under the American flag, I am asking for the 
enfranchisement of American women. 

She was immediately arrested. Another woman took her 
place, and she was arrested; another; and another; and on 
and on, until forty-seven women had been taken into custody. 

Alice Paul, who had not participated in the parade, was 
standing in the middle of the street, watching and listening. 
She had no banner. She had not spoken. She had not 
moved. But a policeman, pointing at her, said : " That is 
the leader ; get her ! " And she was arrested. 

Many women asked on what charge they were arrested. 
"Do not answer them! Do not tell them anything!" said 
a policeman. Others answered with very labored charges, 
which were not substantiated later by Police Headquarters. 
Patrol wagon after patrol wagon appeared, was filled with 

Burning the Peesident's Words at the Lafayette 
Monument, Washington. 

A Summer Picket Line. 


women, and dashed off, followed by the purple, white, and 
gold flutter of the banners. 

When Hazel Hynkins was arrested, she forbade the policp- 
men to take the American flag which she carried from her. 
At the Municipal Building, she refused to relinquish it. 
After the preliminaries of their arrest were over and the 
women released on bail, they marched back in an unbroken 
line behind Hazel's flag. 

The arrested women were the following: 

Hazel Adams, Eva E. Sturtevant, Pauline Clarke, Blanche A. 
McPherson, Katherine R. Fisher, Rose Lieberson, Alice Kimball, 
Matilda Terrace, Lucy Burns, Edith Ainge, May Sullivan, Mary 
Gertrude Fendall, Julia Emory, Anna Kuhn, Gladys Greiner, 
, Martha W. Moore, Cora Crawford, Dr. Sarah Hunt Lockrey, 
Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Ellen Winsor, Mary Winsor, Mrs. Ed- 
mund C. Evans, Christine M. Doyle, Kate Cleaver Heffelfinger, 
Lavinia Dock, Harriet Keehn, Alice Paul, Mary E. Dubrow, 
Lillian M. Ascough, Edna M. Purtelle, Ruby E. Koeing, Elsie 
Hill, Helena Hill Weed, Eleanor Hill Weed, Mrs. Gilson 
Gardner, Sophie G. Meredith, Louise M. Black, Agnes Chase, 
Kate J. Boeckh, Hazel Hunkins, Cora Wold, Clara P. Wold, 
Margaret Oakes, Mollie Marie Green, Gertrude Lynde Crocker, 
Eifie Boutwell Main, Annie Arniel, Emily Burke Main. 

The forty-seven were ordered to appear in court the next 
morning at half-past nin*. The United States attorney told 
them, when he arrived at 10 : 30, that the case was postponed 
for a week. The police clerk told Clara Wold that she was 
arrested " for climbing the statue." 

Clara Wold describes her subsequent experiences when, 
dismissed by the court, she walked to Headquarters past the 
Lafayette monument, " there sat a colored man on the very 
same ledge — ^basket, bundles, and papers strewn about him 
as he comfortably devoured a sandwich." 

Lafayette Park was not under the District of Columbia, 
but directly under the President's military aide — Colonel 
Ridley, who was also Superintendent of Public Bi;iildings and 
grounds in Washington. 


On August 13, the women appeared in the Federal Police 
Court, as ordered, for trial. The charge had been decided 
on ; " For holding a meeting in public gounds." But again 
the Court announced postponement until August 15. 

After vigorous protests by the Suffragists against further 
delay, the cases of the eighteen, who were charged in addition 
with " climbing a statue," were tried separately. 

The women had no lawyers. Each spoke on her own 
behalf. They defended themselves on the ground of the con- 
stitutional right of free assemblage and appeal to the Gov- 
ernment for the redress of grievances. They all pleaded. 
Not Guilty. Many of them added that they did not recog- 
nize the jurisdiction of the Court. Hazel Hunkins explained: 
" Women cannot be law-breakers until they are law-makers." 

One of the witnesses was the Chief Clerk of Public 
Grounds, an elderly man. Elsie Hill suddenly asked him 
when he had taken office. He replied, "In 1878." "Do 
you realize," Miss Hill said, " that in that year a Federal 
Suffrage Amendment was introduced, and that since then 
women have been helping to pay your salary and that of 
other government officials under protest.? " The Chief Clerk 
was so astounded that he merely shook his head. 

The trial of the remainder of the women on the charge 
of " holding a meeting on public grounds " took place on 
August 15. 

At the very beginning of proceedings Alice Paul said: 

As a disfranchised class we feel that we are not subject to the 
jurisdiction of this court and therefore refuse to take any part 
in its proceedings. We also feel that we have done nothing to 
justify our being brought before it. 

They then sat down and refused to answer any question 
put to them. 

The judge was utterly nonplussed by this situation. He 
said that he would call a recess of fifteen minutes to consider 
the question of contempt. Among the spectators who packed 
the room was a lawyer — a visitor in Washington. He ex- > 


tracted a great deal of enjoyment out of this occasion, be- 
cause, he said, " if the women are not afraid of jail, there 
is nothing the judge can do." He awaited the judge's deci- 
sion with an entertained anticipation. Apparently the judge 
came to tjie same decision, for at the end of fifteen minutes, 
the Court reconvened and the trial went on as though noth- 
ing had happened. 

The women refused to rise when charged. They refused 
to plead Guilty or Not Guilty. They sat and read, or 
knitted, or, as the proceedings bored them, fell asleep. The 
Park Police were, of course, the only witnesses. At last all 
the women whom they could identify were found Guilty. 
They were sentenced to pay fines of five or ten dollars or to 
serve in prison ten or fifteen days. They all refused to pay 
the fine. Mary Winsor said : " It is quite enough to pay 
taxes when you are not represented, let alone pay a fine if 
you object to this arrangement." The prisoners were then 
bundled in the Black Maria and taken off to prison. 

Before the pickets were released from prison at the end 
of the previous year. Superintendent Zinkham said to them : 

Now don't come back^ for, if you do, I will have a far worse 
place than the jail fixed tip for you. I will have the old work- 
house fixed up for you, and you will have cells without sunlight, 
with windows high up from the ground. You won't be as com- 
fortable as you are here. 

Everything happened as Superintendent Zinkham proph- 
esied, and a great deal more that was worse. The old 
Workhouse which he had promised them had been condemned 
in Roosevelt's Administration, and had not been used for 
years. The lower tier of cells was below the level of the 
ground. The doors of the cells were partly of solid steel 
and only partly of grating, so that little light penetrated. 
The wash basin was small and inadequate. The toilet was 
open, the cots were of iron and without springs, and with 
a thin straw mattress on them. Outside, they left behind a 
day so hot as to be almost insupportable, but in the Work- 


house, it was so cold that their teeth chattered. It was 
damp all the time. When the present writer visited this old 
Workhouse in October, 1919, beads of water hung on every- 
thing. The walls were like the outside of an ice water pitcher 
in summer. Several of the pickets developed rheumatism. 
But the unendurable thing about it was the stench which 
came in great gusts ; component of all that its past history 
had left behind and of the closeness of the unaired atmos- 
phere. Apparently something was wrong with the water, 
or perhaps it was that the pipes had not been used for years. 
Most of the women believe they suffered with lead poisoning. 
They ached all over; endured a violent nausea; chills. 

However, all the twenty-six, with the exception of two 
elderly women, went on hunger-strikes. Lucy Bums pre- 
sented a demand on behalf of the entire company to Super- 
intendent Zinkham. She said : " We must have twenty-three 
more blankets and twenty-three hot-water bottles. This 
place is cold and unfit for human habitation." 

" I know it is cold and damp," he replied, " but you can 
all get out of here by paying your fines." 

The Woman's Party showed their usual ingenuity in 
bringing these conditions before the public. As fast as 
women were arrested, their State Senators and Representa- 
tives were besieged by letters and telegrams from home urg- 
ing them to go to see these imprisoned constituents. The 
Press of their district made editorial question or comment. 
As long as this imprisoning of the pickets 'Continued, there 
was a file of Representatives and Senators visiting the vic- 
tims. Senator Jones of Washington was the first outside 
visitor to see them. 

In the meantime, another meeting of protest, held at the 
Lafayette Monument on August 12, with the same speakers 
and many of the same banner bearers, was broken up by 
the police. 

A curious feature of this case was that at Police Head- 


quarters the police decided to confiscate, along with the 
banners, the Suffragist regalia — a sash of purple, white, and 
gold without any lettering whatever. The women refused 
to relinquish these sashes, and there was in every case a 
struggle, in which wrists were twisted, fingers sprained; 
bruises and cuts of all kinds administered. All the thirty- 
eight women were, however, released unconditionally. 

On August 14, the women held two meetings of protest 
at the Lafayette Monument — one at half-past four in the 
afternoon, and one at eight o'clock in the evening. 

This double protest came about in this way. 

At the afternoon demonstration, the women were immedi- 
ately arrested. They were held at Police Headquarters for 
two hours. The authorities feeling then that the hour was 
too late for further demonstrations, released them. They 
did not require bail, or a promise to appear in Court. 

The women went at once to Headquarters, snatched a 
hasty dinner ; slipped quietly out of the building, and marched 
to the Lafayette Monument. Everybody agrees that this 
evening demonstration was very beautiful. It was held 
in the soft dusk of the Washington August. The crescent 
moon, which seemed tangled in the trees of the park, gave 
enough light to bring out the Suffrage tri-color and the 
Stars and Stripes. As the women gathered closer and 
closer around the statue, the effect was of color, smudged 
with shadow; of shadow illuminate with color. 

Elsie Hill, carrying the American flag in one hand, and 
the purple, white, and gold banner in the other spoke first ; 
spoke wonderfully — as Elsie HiU always spoke. She said 
in part: 

We know that our protest is in harmony with the belief of 
President Wilson, for he has stood before the world for the right 
of the governed to a voice in their own government. We resent 
the fact that the soldiers of our country, the men drafted to 
fight Prussia abroad, are used instead to help still the demand of 
American women for political freedom. We resent the suppres- 
sion of our demands but our voices will carry across the country 


and down through time. The world will know that the women 
of America demand the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amend- 
ment and that the President insists that the Senate act. 

There were only two policemen on duty. For two police- 
men to try to arrest nine lively and athletic pickets was a 
little like a scene in Alice m Wonderland. They would pull 
one woman down from the statue, start to get another, 
whereupon the first would be back again with her flying 

Finally, the police reserves arrived, but every woman had 
managed to make a speech. 

While the Suffragists were still in the old Workhouse, 
Alice Paul, following her usual system of complete publicity, 
had announced another protest meeting at the Lafayette 

Later Alice Paul received a letter from Colonel Ridley : 

I have been advised that you desire to hold a demonstration 
in Lafayette Square on Thursday, August 22. By direction 'of the 
Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, you are hereby granted per- 
mission to hold this demonstration. You are advised good order 
must prevail. 

Miss Paul replied: 

We received yesterday your permit for a Suffrage demonstra- 
tion in Lafayette Park this afternoon, and are very glad that 
our meetings are no longer to be interfered with. Because of 
the illness of so many of our members, due to their treatment in 
prison this last week, and with the necessity of caring for them 
at Headquarters, we are planning to hold our next meeting a 
little later. We have not determined on the exact date but w^ 
will inform you of the time as soon as it is decided upon. 

As a result of the first series of protest meetings, the Ad- 
ministration had yielded to the point of no longer interfering 
with the meetings at the Lafayette Monument. But as time 
went by and neither the Senate nor the President did any- 
thing about Suffrage, the National Woman's Party an- 
nounced that a protest meeting would be held at the La- 


fayette Monument on September 16 at four o'clock. Imme- 
diately the President announced that he would receive a 
delegation of Southern and Western Democratic women that 
day at two. 

The same day, September 16, as Maud Younger was com- 
ing back from the Capitol to Headquarters, Senator Over- 
man of the Rules Committee came and sat by her in the car. 
In the course of his conversation, he remarked casually: 
" I don't think your bill is coming up this session." 

That afternoon, Abby Scott Baker went to see Senator 
Jones of New Mexico, Chairman of the Suffrage Committee, 
to ask him to call a meeting of the Committee to bring Suf- 
frage to the vote. Senator Jones refused. He said he would 
not bring up the Suffrage Amendment at this session in 

When — still later — that delegation of Southern and West- 
em Democratic women called on the President, he said to 

I am, as I think you know, heartily in sympathy with you. 
I have endeavored to assist you in every way in my power, and I 
shall continue to do so. I shall do all that I can to assist the 
passage of the Amendment by an early vote. 

This was the final touch. 

The National Woman's Party hastily changed the type 
of its demonstration. Instead of holding a mere meeting of 
protest, they decided to burn the words which the President 
had said that very afternoon to the Southern and Western 
Democratic women. At four o'clock instead of two, forty 
women marched from Headquarters to the Lafayette Monu- 
ment. They carried the famous banners: 


At the Lafayette statue. Bertha Arnold delivered an ap- 
peal to Lafayette, written by Mrs. Richard Wainwright 
and beginning with the famous words of Pershing in France: 


Lafayette, we are here! 

We, the women of the United States, denied the liberty which 
you helped to gain, and for which we have asked in vain for 
sixty years, turn to you to plead for us. 

Speak, Lafayette! Dead these hundred years but still living 
in the hearts of the American people. Speak again to plead for 
us, condemned like the bronze woman at your feet, to a silent 
appeal. She offers you a sword. Will you not use the sword of 
the spirit, mightier far than the sword she holds out to you? 

Will you not ask the great leader of our democracy to look 
upon the failure of our beloved country to be in truth the place 
where every one is free and equal and entitled to a share in the 
government? Let that outstretched hand of yours pointing to 
the White House recall to him his words and promises, his 
trumpet call for all of us to see that the world is made safe for 

As our army now in France spoke to you there, saying, " Here 
we are to help your country fight for liberty," will you not speak 
here and now for us, a little band with no army, no power but 
justice and right, no strength but in our Constitution and the 
Declaration of Independence, and win a great victory again in 
this country by giving us the opportunity We ask to be heard 
through the Susan B. Anthony Amendment? 

Lafayette, we are here ! 

The police, having no orders to arrest the women, smiled 
and nodded. And while the crowd that had very quickly 
gathered applatided, Lucy Branham stepped forward. Be- 
side her was Julia Emory, holding a flaming torch. 

" We want action," Miss Branham stated simply, " not 
words." She took the torch from Julia Emory, held the 
words of the President's message of that afternoon in the 
flames. As it burned, she said: 

The torch which I hold symbolizes the burning indignation of 
women who for a hundred years have been given words without 
action. In the spring our hopes were raised by words much like 
these from President Wilson, yet they were permitted to be fol- 
lowed by a filibuster against our Amendment on the part of the 
Democratic Senate leaders. 

President Wilson still refuses any real support to the move- 
ment for the political freedom of women. . . . 

We, therefore, take these empty words, spoken by President 
Wilson this afternoon, and consign them to the flames. 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

LrcY Bkanham Burning the Pebshjent's Words at the 
Lafayette Monument. 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

The Russian Envoy Banner, August, 1917. 


This is a symbol of the indignation of American women at 
the treatment given by the President to their plea for democracy. 

We have protested to this Administration by banners; we 
have protested by speeches ; we now protest by this symbolic act. 

As in the ancient fights for liberty the crusaders for freedom 
symbolized their protest against those responsible for injustice 
by consigning their hollow phrases to the flames^ so we, on 
behalf of thousands of Suffragists, in this same way today, pro- 
test against the action of the President and his Party in delaying 
the liberation of American women. 

For five years, women 'have appealed to this President and 
his Party for political freedom. The President has given words, 
and Words, and words. Today, women receive more words. We 
announce to the President and the whole world today, by this 
act of ours, our determination that words shall no longer be the 
only reply given to American women — our determination that 
this same democracy, for whose establishment abroad we are 
making the utmost sacrifice, shall also prevail at home. 

Applause greeted these spirited words. As Jessie Hardy 
Mackaye started to speak, a man in the crowd handed her 
a twenty-dollar bill for the Woman's Party. Others began 
passing money to her. The Suffragists were busy running 
through the crowd collecting it. The crowd continued to 
applaud and cheer. 

Mrs. Mackaye said: 

Against the two-fold attitude on the part of the Senate toward 
democracy, I protest with all the power of my being. The same 
Congress and the same Administration that are appropriating 
billions of dollars and enlisting the services of millions of men 
to establish democracy in Europe, is at the same time refusing 
to do so common a piece of justice as to vote to submit the 
Woman Suffrage Amendment to the States. 

This was the first time the President's words were burned. 

The President's car drove up to the door during the prog- 
ress of this demonstration, and President Wilson stepped in. 
But instead of going out at the usual gate, the driver turned 
the car abou^, so that he could make his exit elsewhere. 



The very next day occurred a remarkable example of direct 
action : that direct action coming within twenty-four hours. 
Senator Jones, who the day before had refused to bring up 
Suffrage in this session, arose in the Senate and announced 
that on September 26, he would move to take up the Suf- 
frage Amendment, and keep it before the Senate until a vote 
was reached. 

' With this promise of definite action, the Woman's Party 
immediately ceased their demonstrations. 

On September 26, Senator Jones brought the Amendment 
up. Maud Younger says, in her Revelations of a Woman 

Discussion began. Discussion went on. For five whole days 
it lasted, with waves of hope and waves of dismay, and always 
an undercurrent of uncertainty. Thursday, Friday, Saturday, 
the speeches went on. On Monday word went forth that the 
President would address the Senate on behalf of our Amend- 

I hurried to Senator Curtis, who was in his office signing 
letters. He said : " The other side claim that they have their 
men pledged: that the President comes too late. What do you 
expect? " 

" I don't know what I should expect. I hope." 

I went over to the Senate. There was very great excitement; 
a sense of something wonderful impending. On the floor there 
was the ceremonious atmosphere that attends the President's 

" Look," said a newspaper man in the gallery beside me, " he's 
brought all his heavy artillery with him." There on the floor of 
the Senate were the members of the Cabinet. Lesser dignitaries 
were scattered about the room. Congressmen stood, two-deep, 



lining the walls. The Sergeant-at-Arms announced in clear tones : 
" The President of the United States." 

The President came in^ shook hands with the presiding officer, 
turned and read his speech. There is always an evenness about 
his public utterances, in manner, in voice, in reading; yet I 
thought he read this message with more feeling than his War 
message, or his Fourteen Points. 

The President said: 

Gentlemen of the Senate: The unusual circumstances of a 
world war in which we stand and are judged in the view not 
only of our own people and our own consciences but also in 
the view of all nations and peoples will, I hope, justify in, your 
thought, as it does in mine, the message I have come to bring you. 

I regard the concurrence of the Senate in the constitutional 
Amendment proposing the extension of the Suffrage to women 
as vitally essential to the successful prosecution of the great war 
of humanity in which we are engaged. I have come to urge upon 
you the considerations which have led me to that conclusion. It 
is not only my privilege, it is also my duty to apprise you of 
every circumstance and element involved in this momentous 
struggle which seems to me to affect its very processes and its 
outcome. It is my duty to win the war and to ask you to 
remove every obstacle that stands in the way of winning it. 

I had assumed that the Senate would concur in the Amend- 
ment because no disputable principle is involved but only a 
question of the method by which the Suffrage is to be extended 
to women. There is and can be no Party issue involved in it. 
Both of our great national Parties are pledged, explicitly pledged, 
to equality of Suffrage for the women of the country. 

Neither Party, therefore, it seems to me, can justify hesita- 
tion as to the method of obtaining it, can rightfully hesitate to 
substitute Federal initiative for State initiative, if the early 
adoption of this measure is necessary to the successful prosecu- 
tion of the war and if the method of State action proposed in 
Party platforms of 1916 is impracticable within any reasonable 
length of time, if practicable at all. 

And its adoption is, in my judgment, clearly necessary to the 
successful prosecution of the war and the successful realization 
of the object for which the war is being fought. 

That judgment I take the liberty of urging upon you with 
solemn earnestness for reasons which I shall state very frankly 
and which I shall hope will seem as conclusive to you as they 
seem to me. 

This is a peoples' war and the peoples' thinking constitutes 


its atmc^sphere and morale, not the predilections of the drawing- 
room or the political considerations of the caucus. 

If we be indeed Democrats and wish to lead the world to 
democracy, we can ask other peoples to accept in proof of our 
sincerity and our ability to lead them whither they wish to be led 
nothing less persuasive and convincing than our actions. Our 
professions will not suffice. Verification must be forthcoming 
when verification is asked for. And in this case verification is 
asked for — asked for in this particular matter. You ask by 

Not through diplomatic channels; not by foreign ministers. 
Not by the intimations of parliaments. It is asked for by the 
anxious, expectant, suffering peoples with whom we are dealing 
and who are willing to put their destinies in some measure in 
our hands, if they are sure that we wish the same things they do. 

I do not speak by conjecture. It is not alone the voices of 
statesmen and of newspapers that reach me, and the voices of 
foolish and intemperate agitators do not reach me at all. 
Through many, many channels I have been made aware what 
the plain, struggling, workaday folk are thinking upon whom 
the chief terror and suffering of this tragic war falls. 

They are looking to the great, powerful, famous Democracy 
of the West to lead them to the new day for which they have 
so long waited; and they think in their logical simplicity, that 
democracy means that women shall play their part in affairs 
alongside men and upon an equal footing with them. If we 
reject measures like this, in ignorance or defiance of what a new 
age has brought forth, of what they have seen but we have not, 
they will cease to believe in us; they will cease to follow or to 
trust us. 

They have seen their own governments accept this interpreta- 
tion of democracy — seen old governments accept this interpreta- 
tion of democracy — seen old governments like that of Great 
Britain, which did not profess to be democratic, promise readily 
and as of course this justice to women, though they had before 
refused it, the strange revelations of this war having made many 
things new and plain, to governments as well as to people. 

Are we alone to refuse to learn the lesson? Are we alone to 
ask and take the utmost that our women can give — service and 
sacrifice of every kind — and still say we do not see what title 
that gives them to stand by our sides in the guidance of the 
affairs of their nation and ours ? 

We have made partners of the women in this war; shall we 
admit them only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and 


toil and not a partnership of privilege and right? This war 
could not have been fought either by the other nations engaged 
or by America, if it had not been for the services of the women — 
services rendered in every sphere — ^not merely in the fields of 
effort in which we have been accustomed to see them work, but 
wherever men have worked, and upon the very skirts and edges 
of the battle itself. 

We shall not only be distrusted but shall deserve to be dis- 
trusted if we do not enfranchise them with the fullest possible 
enfranchisement, as it is now certain that the other great free 
nations will enfranchise them. 

We cannot isolate our thought and action in such a matter 
from the thought of the rest of the world. We must either con- 
form or deliberately reject what they propose and resign the 
leadership of liberal minds to others. 

The women of America are too noble and too intelligent and 
too devoted to be slackers whether you give or i withhold this 
thing that is mere justice; but I know the magic it will work in 
their thoughts and spirits if you give it to them. 

I propose it as I would propose to admit soldiers to the Suf- 
frage, the men fighting in the field for our liberties and the 
liberties of the world, were they excluded. The task of the 
woman lies at the very heart of the war, and I know how much 
stronger that heart will beat if you do this just thing and show 
our women that you trust them as much as you in fact and of 
necessity depend upon the^. 

Have I said that the passage of this Amendment is a vitally 
necessary war measure, and do you need further proof? Do you 
stand in need of the trust of other peoples and of the trust of 
our own women? Is that trust an asset or is it not? 

I tell you plainly, as the commander-in-chief of our armies and 
of the gallant men in our fleets, as the present spokesman of this 
people in our dealings with the men and women throughout the 
world who are now our partners, as the responsible head of a 
great government which stands and is questioned day by day as 
to its purposes, its principles, its hopes, whether they be service- 
able to men everywhere or only to itself, and who must himself 
answer these questions or be shamed, as the guide and director 
of forces caught in the grip of war and by the same token in need 
of every material and spiritual resource this great nation pos- 
sesses — I tell you plainly that this measure which I urge upon 
you is vital to the winning of the war and to the energies alike 
of preparation and of battle. 

And not to the winning of the war only. It is vital to the 


right solution of the great problems which we must settle, and 
settle immediately, when the war is over. We shall need then 
in our vision of affairs, as we have never needed them before, 
the sympathy and insight and clear moral instinct of the women 
of the world. The problems of that time will strike to the roots 
of many things that we have not hitherto questioned, and I for 
one believe that our safety in those questioning days, as well as 
our comprehension of matters that touch society to the quick, will 
depend upon the direct and authoritative participation of women 
in our counsels. We shall need their moral sense to preserve 
what is right and fine and worthy in our system of life as well 
as to discover just what it is that ought to be purified and 
reformed. Without their connselings we shall only be half wise. 
That is my case. That is my appeal. Many may deny its 
validity, if they choose, but no one can brush aside or answer 
the arguments upon which it is based. The executive tasks of 
this war rest upon me. I ask that you lighten them and place 
in my hands instruments, spiritual instruments, which I do not 
now possess, which I sorely need, and which I have daily to 
apologize for not being able to employ. 

In this speech, the President had said : " The voices of 
foolish and intemperate agitators do not reach me at all." 

It was generally felt that the President, there, indicated 
the Woman's Party. Commenting on that phrase the next 
day, the Republican Senators remarked, " Why it was that 
which brought him there ! " 

During the course of the debate between Poindexter and 
Pitman, Poindexter asked, " Wasn't it the pickets that got 
the President.?" 

The next afternoon when the vote was called for, and the 
last Senator had answered to his name, the presiding officer 
announced the result: 

" The joint resolution does not pass." 

The Suffrage Amendment still lacked two votes. 

Miss Younger says in her RevelatioTis of a Lobbyist: 

Stunned, as though unable to grasp it, hundreds of women sat 
there. Then slowly the defeat reached their consciousness, and 
they began slowly to put on their hats, to gather up their wraps, 
and to file out of the galleries, some with a dull sense of injus- 
tice, some with burning resentcqent. In the corridors they began 


to form in groups. Every one wanted to discuss it. But Alice 
Paul took my arm. 

" Come," she said, " we must find out about the short-term 
candidates and go into the election campaign at once." 

Immediately after the vote was taken and defeated, Sena- 
tor Jones of New Mexico changed his vote and moved that 
the measure be reconsidered; thereby placing it again on 
the Senate Calendar, ready to be called up any time and 
voted on. 

By going to the Senate in this manner, the President had 
made his own record clean to the country at large. But he 
had not made it clean to the National Woman's Party, 
because, although he had done something, he had not done 
enough. He appeared to be doing more than he was, but there 
was a great deal more that he could have done. He did not, 
for instance, start his appeal to the Senate early enough. 
That appeal came only a fortnight before the vote was 
taken. Possibly he had underestimated the opposition; prob- 
ably he had overestimated the strength of his own influence. 
But the country at large of course did not understand that. 
For the time being, therefore, the Woman's Party concen- 
trated their drive on another point in the enemy line. 



As the Senate was still sitting and could at any time reverse 
its action in regard to the Suffrage Amendment, the 
Woman's Party decided to protest against its defeat of the 
./^onendment and to demand a reversal. 

They began to picket the Senate and in especial the thirty- 
four Senators whose adverse vote had again delayed the 
passage of the Amendment. 

On the morning of October 7, four banner-bearers ascended 
the steps of the Capitol. They were: Elizabeth Klalb; 
Vivian Pierce; Bertha Moller; Mrs. Horton Pope. The 
lettered banner, flanked as usual with the Suffrage tri-color, 


They had hardly mounted the steps when the Capitol 
police placed them under arrest. They took the prisoners 
to the guard room in the Capitol, kept them there for fifteen 
minutes, and then released them. It was, of course, not 
exactly an arrest; and no one seemed exactly responsible 
for the order. The banners were, however, confiscated. 

That afternoon, the same women, except that Bertha 
Arnold was substituted for Mrs. Pope, mounted the steps 
bearing a large banner which read: 




All the afternoon, the banner-bearers were detained in the 
courtroom at intervals. When they were released, they went 
back to the Capitol; were arrested; detained in the court- 
room again; released again. 

On the morning of October 10, four more pickets, Edith 
Ainge, Bertha Moller, Maud Jamison, Clara Wold, started 
for the Capitol. Crowds of men and women gathered in the 
park to see what was going to happen, and rows of police 
stood on the Capitol steps awaiting the pickets. As soon 
as the big protest banner was unfurled, the police seized it. 
Maud Jamison and Clara Wold tried to mount the steps 
with the tri-color, but several policemen rushed upon them, 
and conducted them up the steps and into the Capitol build- 
ing. As the police said over and over again that there were 
no arrests, the women insisted on carrying their banners. 

Protesting against the curious and inconsistent action on 
the part of the police, the women were conducted into the 
presence of the captain. He iterated and reiterated that 
this action was all in accordance with the rules of Colonel 
Higgins, the Democratic Sergeant-at-Arms who is under the 
Rules Committee which carries out the Democratic pro- 
gram. The Suffragists demanded by what authority they 
were held and the captain informed them that it did not 
make any difference about the law, that Colonel Higgins had 
taken the law into his own hands. The four Suffragists 
waited for a few minutes. Their purple, white, and gold 
banners had been confiscated, but the protest banner was 
still there. Suddenly, without any interference from any- 
body, they took up their protest banner, walked out of the 
guard room, went over to the Senate Office Building and 
stood with it, at the top of the steps, the rest of the day. 
Later Vivian Pierce, Mrs. Stewart Polk, Mary Gertrude 
Fendall and Gladys Greiner joined this group of pickets. 

In the meantime, other Suffragists were trying vainly to 
take the Suffrage colors to the Capitol steps. They walked 
from the Office Building on to the Plaza by twos. The instant 
they appeared, policemen, rushing down the steps, rushing 


from the curb, rushing from the crowd which had gathered, 
seized them. They tried to wrench the banners away; and 
this was, of course, an unequal contest, in which sometimes 
the women were pulled completely off the ground and always 
their wrists painfully twisted. But the women clung to the 
banners, walked as calmly as the situation permitted into 
the Capitol, and down to the guard room. Here the ban- 
ners were always confiscated, but they, themselves, were re- 
leased. If anybody in the crowd showed any disposition to 
resent the attitude of the police, he was placed under arrest 
too; but he also was released. 

On October 11 the Suffragists picketed only the Senate 
Office Building, as Congress was not in session. At the be- 
ginning of the day, Mrs. George Atwater and Betty Cram 
held the banners. Mrs. Atwater's two little girls, Edith 
and Barbara, assisted their mother by holding the tri- 

Others who picketed that day were: Grace Needham, 
Mrs. George Odell, Elizabeth Kalb, Virginia Arnold, Mary 
Gertrude Fendall, Gladys Greiner, Maud Jamison, Vivian 
Pierce, Bertha MoUer, Clara Wold. 

On October 13, plans for another demonstration were 
announced in the Washington papers. Edith Amge, bearing 
the American Hag, was to lead a procession of Suffragists> 
on to the Senate -floor. There the words of the anti-Suffrage 
Senators in praise of democracy were to be burned. For 
an hour before the line formed, the Capitol police were lined 
up, ready for the pickets. Above, Senators hung over the 
balcony where they could witness the demonstration. Be- 
low, motor after motor drove up to the curb and stopped, 
waiting to see what was going to happen. At length, the 
Suffragists arrived. They formed in line outside the Senate 
Office Building, and started towards the Capitol. They were 
beset by a battalion of police, and taken to the guard room. 
Women standing in the crowd, who were not in the proces- 
sion, but who wore the Suffrage colors were taken along also. 


Alice Paul; who wore no regalia of any kind, was caught in 
the net. 

These women were: Alice Paul; Vivian Pierce; Bertha 
MoUer; Bertha Arnold; Elizabeth McShane; Edith Ainge; 
Edith Hilles; Julia Emory; Clara Wold; Elizabeth Kalb; 
Virginia Arnold; Grace Frost; Matilda Young; Mrs. K. G. 

The Woman's Party now decided to open a "banner" 
campaign on each of the Senators who had helped to defeat 
the Suffrage Amendment. They began with Senator Wads- 
worth. They unrolled on the steps of the Senate OflBce 
Building a banner which read : 






Later appeared another banner, proclaiming the case of 
Senator Shields: 


These banners were taken up by the newspapers of the 
Senators' States and focussed unfavorable attention 
upon them. 

By this time, the Capitol police had found that their sys- 
tem of arresting and detaining what threatened to prove an 


inexhaustible army of Suffragists was futile. So now they 
reverted to their policy of 1917. They stood aside and let 
the crowd worry the Suffragists. Mainly, however, these 
were small boys, who seized the banners and dragged them 
through the streets. 
On October 23 appeared: 


The small boys, generally office boys, were allowed to tear 
up this banner too. 

On October 24, Julia Emory and Virginia Arnold suc- 
ceeded in getting to the top of the Capitol steps, unseen by 
the police who were grouped on the sidewalk. Their banner 
said : 


The instant they caught sight of this banner, the police- 
men took the two girls to the guard room, where they held 
them, until half-past seven that evening. 

On October 25, as the Senate was not in session, the 
pickets returned to the Office Building, where hitherto they 
had been unmolested. There were four of them, and they 
carried the Great Demand banner. They were arrested, and 
held until six o'clock. They went back to the Capitol at 
eight in the evening, and were again arrested, and held until 
eleven o'clock. Friends or newspaper men, calling at the 
Capitol, could get no information about them. On various 


pretexts, the telephone answered nothing. These women 
were Matilda Young; Elizabeth Kalb; Julia Emory; Virr 
ginia Arnold. 

On October 26, eight pickets bore the Wadsworth and 
Shields banners with the tri-color. As usual, the poles of 
their banners were broken ; their banners themselves snatched 
from them; they were seized and held. 

That afternoon, there was an aeroplane demonstration in 
Washington. Seven pickets went out with banners: Julia 
Emory, Maud Jamison, Bertha Arnold, Katherine Fisher, 
Minna Lederman, Elizabeth Kalb, Mrs. Frances Davies. 
They were handled with great roughness. Maud Jamison 
was knocked senseless by a policeman. Several men in uni- 
form protested to the police. 

On October 28, twenty-one women, each bearing the pur- 
ple, white, and gold banners, started for the Capitol. 
They marched a banner's length apart across the Capitol 

They had gone halfway up the steps, when policemen in 
plain clothes appeared from all sides and grappled with 
them. Many women were injured. Aimie Arniel was thrown 
to the ground so violently that she fainted. An ambulance 
was summoned to take her to the hospital. The other women 
were locked in a basement room until six o'clock, when they 
were released. They were escorted through the Capitol 
grounds by a member of the vigilant force 'of guards. He 
bore the American flag which had been carried at the head 
of their line. As they reached the limit of the Capitol 
grounds, he returned that to them, but all the lettered ban- 
ners and tri-colors were retained. 

The twenty-one women were: Edith Ainge; Harriet U. 
Andrews; Bertha Arnold; Virginia Arnold; Annie Arniel; 
Olive Beale ; Lucy Bums ; Eleanor Calnan ; L. G. C. Daniels ; 
Frances Davis ; Julia Emory ; Mary Gertrude Fendall ; Mrs. 
Gilson Gardner; Sara Grogan; Maud Jamison; Elizabeth 
Kalb; Augusta M. Kelley; Lola Maverick Lloyd; Matilda 
Young; H. R. Walmsley; Alice Paul. 


On October 29, two pickets went to the Capitol with a 
banner inscribed: 


They were seized and held until the afternoon. 

By some divagation in the police policy, they were seized, 
while they were walking to the car after their release, and 
held for another hour. 

On October 30, five pickets, carrying the Senator Baird 
banner and three tri-colors, picketed the north frOnt of the 
Capitol for an hour. Then they marched to the south front, 
determined to take up their staiid on the Senate steps. Half- 
way in their progress, they were seized, locked up, and held 
until six o'clock. 

Indignant at these arrests without charge, the National 
Woman's Party decided to protest the next day — Thursday. 

On October 31, therefore, after the usual morning arrest, 
their lawyer applied to Judge Siddons of the District 
Supreme Court for a writ of habeas corpus. The Judge 
declared that the sergeant-at-arms had no right to hold any 
one without a charge, that he must either make a charge, or 
release the Suffragists. The sergeant-at-arms released them 
at once. Nevertheless, when the pickets returned in the 
afternoon, they were seized in the usual violent fashion 
and conducted to the guard room. However, although their 
banners were not returned to them, they were detained 
but a few minutes. On Friday, they were released as soon 
as their banners were seized. Fresh banners appeared from 
time to time all day long. Again consulted. Judge Siddons 
said that the police had no right to keep the banners. On 
Saturday, however, the police did not have to seize the ban- 
ners ; there appeared a variation in the picket line. A group 
of women walked up and down in front of the Senate Office 
Building. They bore no lettered banners ; they bore no tri- 
colors; but they wore on their arms black mourning bands 


— in commemoration of the death of justice in the United 
States Senate. 

On November 21, the Senate declared a recess without con- 
sidering the Federal Suffrage Amendment. That day, twelve 
pickets protested against the recess, marching from the 
Senate Office Building to the Capitol. They were: Alice 
Paul, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Elizabeth Kalb, Clara Wold, 
Bertha Arnold, Sara Grogan, Julia Emory, Anita PoUitzer, 
Matilda Young, Mrs. Nicholas Kelly, Olive Beale, Maud 

They carried a banner which read: 




On this occasion, the women were treated outrageously. 
The police, two to a picket, pounced upon them as they ap- 
proached the Capitol. One was heard to call, " Help ! Help ! 
They're coming ! " Clara Wold was knocked down twice on 
the Senate steps ; was shaken like a rat. They dragged and 
pushed Alice Paul about as though personally enraged with 
her. When they were taken into the basement room of the 
Capitol a crowd of indignant men and women followed. 
Policeman No. 21 threatened to arrest a man in the crowd 
because he said : " Sure ! I believe in Woman Suffrage.*' 



All during this period, the National Woman's Party was, of 
course, taking its part in the autumn campaign — ^the cam- 
paign of 1918. It was in the Senatorial elections only that 
the Woman's Party was interested. The expedient quality 
of Alice Paul's policy manifested itself notably here. It has 
been shown again and again how swift she was to adapt the 
tactics of the Woman's Party to the needs of the moment. 
The Woman's Party, it must always be remembered, was 
organized for but one object^-to enfranchise the women of 
the United States by federal amendment. Other Suffrage 
organizations could and did divide their interests ; could and 
did deflect their forces for those interests. On this point, 
Alice Paul never swerved. But as has been again and again 
demonstrated, she was as fluid as water, as swift as light, to 
adapt that single adamantine policy to the situation of the 
moment. At this juncture she extended her policy. 

The circumstances were these: 

In the Senate, Suffrage needed two more votes. 

In the West, as usual, the Woman's Party asked the 
women voters to defeat the Democrats as the Party in power 
and therefore the Party responsible. In two States in the 
East — New Jersey and New Hampshire — ^where the Repub- 
lican candidates were anti-Suffragists and the Democratic 
candidates were Suffragists, the Woman's Party supported 
the Democratic candidates. 

That campaign, short as it was, was intensive. In the 
West Elsie Hill took care of Nevada; Catherine Flanagan 
of Montana; Anita PoUitzer of Wyoming; Clara Wold of 
Oregon; Louise Gamett of Kansas; Iris Calderhead of 
Colorado. In the East, Doris Stevens, Betty Gram, 



Bertha Arnold, Ruth Small, Rebecca Hourwich, Vivian 
Pierce, Bertha MoUer, Lucy Branham, Caroline Katzenstein, 
Florence Bayard Hilles, Agnes Morey, Gladys Greiner, 
Maud Younger, Mary Beard, Abby Scott Baker, Mary 
Dubrow, Grace Needham, Lucy Burns, Mrs, Lawrence 
Lewis, Katherine Morey took care of New Jersey and New 

The two vacancies in the Senate from New Jersey and 
New Hampshire had been caused by death. The Senators 
who would take those seats in November would fill out 
the remainder of the Congress then in Session. In New Jer- 
sey the Republican candidate — Senator Baird — ^had voted 
against the Suffrage Amendment in the Senate on October 1. 
The Democratic candidate — Charles O'Connor Hennessy — 
had fought all his public life in New Jersey for National 
Woman Suffrage. 

In New Hampshire the Republican candidate — George 
H. Moses — ^was an anti-Suffragist. The Democratic candi- 
date — John B. Jameson — was for the Federal Amend- 

The National Woman's Party thought of course the 
President would assist them in their campaign for Hennessy 
and Jameson, as they were both Democrats as well as Suf- 
fragists and, in particular, because he had just told the 
Senate that the passing of the Federal Amendment was neces- 
sary to the successful prosecution of the war. But he gave 
them no help until the Woman's Party forced him to do so, 
and then it was too late. But when the news came back from 
the Suffrage States of the West that the Woman's Party 
spee^kers were telling of his inaction, he sent — in the last 
week in October — ^the following letter to Hennessy of New 
Jersey : 

May I not say how deeply interested I am in the contest you 
are conducting? I cannot but feel that in ignoring my earnest 
appeal with regard to the Suffrage Amendment, made in public 
interest, and because of my intimate knowledge of the issues 
involved both on the other side of the water and here, Senator 


Baird has certainly not represented the true feeling and spirit 
of the people of New Jersey. 

I am sure that they must have felt that such an appeal could 
not and should not be ignored. It would be a very great make- 
weight, thrown into the international scale, if his course of 
action while in the Senate could be reversed by the people of our 
great State. 

Also, before the end of the campaign, the President came 
out in a statement endorsing Jameson. But he did not work 
so hard to elect these two Democrats, who were also Suf- 
fragists, as he did to defeat Vardaman and Hardwick, both 
of whom were Democrats and one a Suffragist. Hennessy 
and Jameson were both defeated. In the West, the election 
resulted in the defeat of Senator Shafroth of Colorado, 
thereby handing the Senate over to the Republicans. The 
defeat of Shafroth is universally ascribed to the Woman's 
Party. The Woman's Party believed that this election had 
brought them one vote, Pollock of South Carolina. 

The Borah incident of the campaign of 1918 is a black 
page in the record of any gentleman who has Presidential 
aspirations. Catherine Flanagan and Margaret Whitte- 
more were campaigning in western Idaho, asking the Idaho 
people to bring pressure on Borah to vote for Suffrage. 

Shortly after casting his vote against the Federal Amend- 
ment, Borah came to Headquarters to see Alice Paul. He 
said that that vote represented his personal belief, but that 
in the future he would have to be bound by the Idaho Party 
(Republican) platform which had endorsed the Amendment. 
He said he would not give a public statement as that would 
look like trying to get votes, but he wrote out a statement 
that the Woman's Party could understand as indicating his 
position. That statement is as follows: 

We have talked over the Suffrage situation with Senator Borah 
and our understanding from the interview is that he will carry out 
his platform and vote for the Suffrage Amendment if re-elected. 

The Woman's Party telegraphed this statement to Idaho 
and asked his constituents to get him to confirm it. He was 


very evasive in replying to their questions and Alice Paul 
finally sent him the following letter : 

October 29, 1918. 
Senator Wm. E. Borah, 
Senate OflSce Building, 
Washington, D. C. 
Dear Senator Borah: 

In view of the statement that you have just telegraphed to one 
of our members, Mrs. Mareella Pride, in Boise, and in view of 
the statements which you have made to various newspaper cor- 
respondents in Washington since Mrs. Baker's and my interview 
with you, giving them the impression that there was no basis for 
our understanding that you would vote for the Suffrage Amend- 
ment after November 5th, we feel that we have no course left 
but to throw all the strength which we possess in Idaho against 
you. I have, therefore, telegraphed to this effect today to Miss 
Whittemore, who is in charge of our Idaho work. 

I am sure I need not teU you how much we regret that you 
have not felt able to say frankly what you would do after election, 
and that you are not willing to stand by the statement which you 
authorized us to give out as'^expressing the understanding to be 
derived by us from our interview with you. 
Sincerely yours, 

Alice Paul, 
National Chairman. 

Thereupon the Woman's Party campaigned against him 
until election. Borah was re-elected. Here — anticipating by 
three months — it must be mentioned that when on February 
10, the Amendment came to a vote, Borah voted, " No." 


Foe the third time the Woman's Party had waged in the 
West one of its marvelous campaigns against the Democratic 
Party. The repercussion of that campaign had reached the 
President. When Congress convened in December, he in- 
cluded the Federal Amendment in his message of Decembr 2 
to Congress as a part of the Administration program. He 

And what shall we say of the women — of their instant intelli- 
gence, quickening every task that they touched ; their capacity for 
organization and co-operation, which gave their action discipline 
and enhanced the effectiveness of everything they attempted; 
their aptitude at tasks to which they had never before set their 
hands; their utter self-sacrifice alike in what they did and what 
they gave? Their contribution to the great result is beyond 
appraisal. They have added a new luster to the annals of 
.^jDcrican womanhood. 

The least tribute we can pay them is to make them the equals 
of men in political rights as they have proved themselves their 
equals in every field of practical work they have entered, 
whether for themselves Or for their country. These great days 
of completed achievement would be sadly marred were we to 
omit that act of justice. Besides the immense practical services 
they have rendered, the women of the country have been the 
moving spirits in the systematic economies by' which our people 
have voluntarily assisted to supply the suffering peoples of the 
world and the armies upon every front with food and everjrthing 
else that we had that might serve the common cause. The de- 
tails of such a story can never be fully written, but we carry 
them at our hearts and thank God that we can say that we are 
the kinsmen of such. 

This was the first time that any President ever mentioned 
Suffrage as a part of his administrative program. It was 



a step forward. The women waited ten days to see whether 
he would follow this message with action. 

The President sailed for France. 

When the Woman's Party discovered from the Adminis- 
tration leaders that he had left no orders to have SufFrage 
carried out, they decided to hold another protest meeting. 

" In carrying on a campaign for Democracy abroad and 
utterly ignoring it at home," Alice Paul said, " he has ex- 
posed his whole broadside to our attack." 

As always, whenever possible, the Woman's Party an- 
nounced their protest meeting through the newspapers. 
Lucy Branham went to Police Headquarters. She explained 
her errand, asking for a permit. 

" Here's your permit ! " Colonel Ridley said. 

Lucy Branham made further explanation, " We are going 
to burn the President's words," she warned him. 

" Here's your permit ! " Colonel Ridley said. 



On December 16, a woman carrying an American flag, 
emerged from Headquarters, Behind her came a long line 
of women bearing purple, white, and gold banners. Behind 
them came fifty women bearing lighted torches. Behind them 
came women — ^more women and more women and more women. 
Always a banner's length apart they marched and on they 
came . . . and on . . . and on . . . and on. . . . Peo- 
ple who saw the demonstrations say that it seemed as though 
the colorful, slow-moving line would never come to an end. 
Witnesses say also that it was the most beautiful of all 
the Woman's Party demonstrations. They marched to the 
Lafayette Monument. Their leader, Mrs. Harvey Wiley, 
stopped in front of a burning cauldron which had been 
placed at the foot of the pedestal. The torch bearers 
formed a semi-circle about that cauldron. The women with 
the purple, white, and gold banners — ^who were the speakers 
— grouped themselves around the torch bearers. 

Among these women were the State Chairman or a 
Woman's Party representative from almost all the forty- 
eight States ; some of whom had come great distances to be 
present on this occasion. There were three hundred in all. 

In the meantime, a huge crowd, which augmented steadily 
in numbers and in excitement as the long line of Suffragists 
came on and on and on, formed a great, black, attentive 
mass, which hedged in the banner bearers, as the banner 
bearers hedged in the torch bearers. In that crowd were 
the National Democratic Chairman and many prominent 
Democratic politicians. 

Dusk changed into darkness, and the flames from cauldron 
and torches mounted higher and higher. 



After the Suifragists had assembled, there came a moment 
of quiet. Then Vida Milholland stepped forward and with- 
out accompaniment of any kind, sang with her characteristic 
spirit the WomarCs Marseillaise. Immediately afterwards, 
Mrs. John Rogers opened the meeting, and introduced, one 
after another, nineteen speakers, each of whom, first reading 
them, dropped some words of President Wilson's on democ- 
racy into the flaming cauldron. 

Mrs. John Rogers declared: 

We hold this meeting to protest against the denial of liberty 
to American women. All over the world today we see surging 
and sweeping irresistibly on, the great tide of democracy, and 
women would be derelict to their duty if they did not see to it 
that it brings freedom to the women of this land. 

England has enfranchised her women, Canada has enfran- 
chised her women, Russia has enfranchised her women, the 
liberated nations of Central Europe are enfranchising their 
women. America must live up to her pretensions of democracy ! 

Our ceremony today is planned to call attention to the fact 
that the President has gone abroad to establish democracy in 
foreign lands when he has failed to establish democracy at home. 
We burn his words on liberty today, not in malice or anger, but 
in a spirit of reverence for truth. 

This meeting is a message to President Wilson. We expect 
an answer. If it is more words, we will burn them again. The 
only answer the National Woman's Party will accept is the 
instant passage of the Amendment in the Senate. 

Mrs. M. Toscan Bennett was the first speaker. She said : 

It is because we are moved by a passion for democracy that 
we are here to protest against the President's forsaking the cause 
of freedom in America and appearing as a champion of freedom 
in the old world. We burn with shame and indignation that 
President Wilson should appear before the representatives of 
nations who have enfranchised their women, as chief spokesman 
for the right of self-government while American women are 
denied that right. We are held up to ridicule to the whole world. 

We consign to the flames the words of the President which have 
inspired women of other nations to strive for their freedom while 


their author refuses to do what lies in his power to do to liberate 
the women of his own country. Meekly to submit to this dis- 
honor to the nation would be treason to mankind. 

Mr. President, the paper currency of liberty which you hand 
to women is worthless fuel until it is backed by the gold of 

The Reverend Olympia Brown of Wisconsin, eighty-four 
years old, burned the latest words of President Wilson, his 
two speeches made on the first day of his visit to France. She 

America has fought for France and the common cause of lib- 
erty. I have fought for liberty for seventy years and I protest 
against the President leaving our country with this old fight here 

Mrs. John Winters Brannan burned the address made by 
President Wilson at the Metropolitan Opera House in open- 
ing the Fourth Liberty Loan Campaign, in which he justified 
women's protest when he said : 

We have been told it is unpatriotic to criticise public action. 
If it is, there is a deep disgrace resting upon the origin of this 
nation. We have forgotten the history of our country if we have 
forgotten how to object, how to resist, how to agitate when it is 
necessary to readjust matters. 

Mary Ingham burned President Wilson's speech of the 
Fourth of July, 1914, in which he said: 

There is nothing in liberty imless it is translated into definite 
action in our own lives today. 

Miss Ingham said: 

In the name of the women of Pennsylvania who are demanding 
action of the President, I consign these words to the flames. 

Agnes Morey burned President Wilson's book. The New 
Freedom. She said: 


On today, the anniversary of the Boston Tea Party> in the 
name of the liberty-loving women of Massachusetts, I consign 
these words to the flames in protest against the exclusion of 
women from the Democratic program of this Administration. 

Henrietta Briggs Wall burned President Wilson's address 
given at Independence Hall, July 4, 1919, when he said: 

Liberty does not consist in mere general declarations of the 
rights of man. It consists in the translation of these declarations 
into action. 

Susan Frost, of South Carolina, burned President Wilson's 
last message to Congress in which he again spoke words 
without results. 

Mrs. Townsend Scott burned his message to the Socialists 
in France which declared: 

The enemies of liberty Jrom this time forth must be shut out. 

Mrs. Eugene Shippen burned this message to Congress : 

This is a war for self-government among all the peoples of 
the world as against the arbitrary choices of self-constituted 

Sara Grogan burned another message to Congress dealing 
with liberty for other nations. 

Clara Wold burned the message to Congress demanding 
Self-government for Filipinos. 

Jessie Adler burned the speech to the Chamber of Com- 
merce of Columbus: 

I believe that democracy is the only thing that vitalizes the 
whole people. ^ 

Mrs. Percy Reed burned this message to Congress : 

Liberty is a fierce and intractable thing to which no bounds can 
be set and no bounds ought to be set. 

Sue White burned the President's reply to President 
Poincare of France. 


Mary Sutherland burned the words : 

I believe the might of America is the sincere love of its people 
for the freedom of mankind. 

Edith Phelps burned the Flag Day address. 
Doris Stevens burned a statement to Democratic women 
before election: 

I have done everything I could do and shall continue to do 
everything in my power for the Federal Suffrage Amendment. 

Dr. Caroline Spencer burned the words which President 
Wilson said when he laid a wreath on the tomb of Lafayette, 
" in memory of the great Lafayette — from a fellow servant 
of liberty." 

Margaret Oakes burned the Suffrage message to the 
Senate : 

We shall deserve to be distrusted if we do not enfranchise our 

Florence Bayard Hilles ended the meeting with a declara- 
tion that women would continue their struggle for freedom, 
and would burn the words of President Wilson even as he 
spoke them until he and his Party made these words good 
by granting political freedom to the women of America. 

After the meeting was over, the long line marched back 
to Headquarters. A big, applauding crowd walked along 
with them. 



Alice Paul spent all day Christinas of 1918 in bed resting. 
At least, she was resting physically. Mentally . . . 

On that day she evolved a new plan of bri&ging the atten- 
tion of the President, the attention of the country, the atten- 
tion of the world, to the fact that the Susan B. Anthony 
.Amendment must be passed. It was impossible — ^because of 
the action of the police in putting out the fires and arresting 
those who tended them — ^to carry out, in all its detail, her 
original plan which was extraordinarily striking and pic- 
turesque. Perhaps at no time in the history of the world 
has there ever been projected a demonstration so full of a 
beautiful symbolism. 

The original plan was to keep a fire burning on the 
pavement in front of the White House till the Susan B. 
Anthony Amendment was passed. Wood for this bonfire 
was to be sent from all the States. Whenever the President 
made a speech in Europe for democracy, that speech was to 
be burned in the watchfire. While this was going on a bell, 
which was set above the door of Headquarters, would toll. 

On the afternoon of New Year's Day, 1919, therefore, a 
wagon drove up to the White House pavement and deposited 
an urn filled with firewood — on a spot in line with the White 
House door. Presently the bell at Headquarters began to 
toll, and a group of women marched from Headquarters to the 
urn. Edith Ainge lighted the fire, and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis 
dropped into the flames the most recent words, in regard to 
democracy, that President Wilson had addressed to the 
people of Evirope. 

The first was from the Manchester speech: 



We will enter into no combinations of power which are not 
combinations of all of us. 

The second was from his toast in Buckingham Palace : 

We have used great words, all of us. We have used the words 
" right " and " justice," and now we are to prove whether or not 
we understand these words. 

The third was from his speech at Brest : 

Public opinion strongly sustains all proposals for co-operation 
of self-governing peoples. 

The fourth was from the speech to the English wounded: 

I want to tell you how much I honor you men who have been 
wounded fighting for freedom. 

As Mrs. Lewis burned these " scraps of paper," Mary 
Dubrow and Annie Arniel, standing behind the urn, unfurled 
a lettered banner: 






This was the first of the many Watchfires of Freedom 
kindled by the Woman's Party. 

After these words were burned, Mrs. Lewis addressed the 
crowd that had gathered. When Helena Hill Weed, who 


had followed her, was speaking, a group of soldiers and 
sailors rushed forward, overturned the urn, and began to 
stamp out the blazing pieces of wood. There were two 
sentinels on each side of the urn, Gertrude Crocker, Harriet 
U. Andrews, Mrs. A. P. Winston, Julia Emory. They bore 
the tri-color, but they also bore torches. They quickly 
lighted the torches from the embers, and held them aloft. 
The rioting continued, but Mrs. Weed went calmly on with 
her speech. 

Suddenly there was an exclamation from the crowd. 
Everybody turned. Flames were issuing from the huge, 
bronze um in Lafayette Square directly opposite the bon- 

Hazel Hunklns — clinging to the high-pedestaled urn — ^was 
holding aloft the Suffrage tri-color. The flames played over 
the sleixder Tanagra-like figure of the girl and glowed 
through the purple, white, and gold. People said it was — 
that instant's picture — ^like a glimpse from the Gotterdcm- 
merung. Policemen immediately rushed over there, followed 
by a large crowd. They arrested Alice Paul, Julia Emory, 
Hazel Hunkins, Edith Ainge. 

In the meantime, the fire in front of the White House had 
been rebuilt and rekindled. It burned all night long and 
all the next day. Alice Paul, who had been released with her 
three companions after being detained at the police station 
for a while, remained on guard until morning. Annie Arniel 
and Julia Emory stayed with her. It rained all night. But 
until late, crowds gathered, quiet and very interested, to 
listen to the speeches. This was Wednesday. All day 
Thursday succeeding groups of women took up their watch 
on the fire. 

Friday afternoon, the same banner was carried out. As 
soon as it was unfurled, a crowd of soldiers, sailors, and 
small boys, a chief petty officer in the navy being most 
violent, attacked the Suffragists, Mary Dubrow and Ma- 
tilda Young. They tore the banner, broke the urn and 
attacked the purple, white, and gold flags. The fires, were. 


however, at once rekindled. It was still raining, and the 
rain was mixed with snow, which became a steady sleet. But 
the fires continued. Finally a force of policemen put them 
out with chemicals. That night they were relighted. Mary 
Logue and Miss Ross guarded it until two in the morning; 
Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Julia Emory from two until 

Saturday afternoon, the bell at Headquarters tolled 
again. Immediately the flames leaped up on the White 
House pavement. Alice Paul, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, and 
Phoebe Munnecke burned the first speech on Liberty made 
by President Wilson on reaching Italy. They were arrested, 
and the police put out the watchfire with chemicals. In- 
stantly the fire started in the urn. Mary Dubrow and Julia 
Emory were arrested. All five women were released on bail. 

On Sunday, January 5, Julia Emary, Mary Dubrow, 
Annie Amiel, and Phoebe Munnecke started a fire in front of 
the White House. They burned the second speech on Lib- 
erty made by the President in Italy. All the time the bell 
pealed its solemn tocsin. The four sentinels were arrested. 
This time they refused to give bail and were sent to the house 
of detention. The fire had now burned all day and all night 
on Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday. 

All these sentinels were charged, when they were arrested, 
with breaking a Federal Park regulation. But when they 
came to court, they were charged with building a bonfire on 
a public highway between sunset and sunrise. Three of them 
went to prison for five days, and three for ten days. They 
all went on hunger-strike. 

January 7, evidently the official mind changed. The fire 
which consumed the President's speech on democracy deliv- 
ered in Turin was allowed to burn for three hours. Never- 
theless the crowd kept kicking it about, so that there was 
a line of flames across the pavement and trailing into the 
gutter. By hook or by crook — three of the Suffragists — 
Harriet Andrews, Mrs. A. P. Winston, Mrs. Edmund C. 
Evans — managed to keep it going. 


At the end of three hours, new orders seemed to mate- 
rialize out of the air; for then the police took a hand and 
put i;he fire out. With the extinction of the last ember, 
however, a second fire burst into flames at the base of the 
Lafayette Monument across the street. The police rushed 
to it, and put it out. Immediately another fire started at 
the opposite corner of the Park. And then fires became gen- 
eral . . . here . . . there . . . everywhere. . . . 

The police arrested the three women who had kept the fire 
going. On the following day they were sentenced to five days 
in jail. 

On the afternoon of that day, Mrs. M. Toscan Bennet 
and Matilda Young burned the speech that the President 
had just made at the statue of Columbus in Genoa. They 
were arrested at once, and they too were given five days 
in jail. 

By this time, there were eleven women in jail, all on a 

On the afternoon of January 13, just as the thousands 
of government clerks began to pour down Pennsylvania 
Avenue past the White House, twenty-five Suffragists, each 
one bearing a banner of purple, white, and gold, came round 
the corner of Lafayette Square. They proceeded to the 
White House pavement, where they built a watchfire. The 
crowds, of course, stopped to watch the proceedings. 
Policemen finally broke through them and arrested three of 
the women. The other twenty-two closed in their line , a 
little, and went on with their fire-building. The police re- 
turned, but they did not arrest the others. But they tried 
to break up the fire with huge shovels and a fire extinguisher. 
They tried to trample it out. But it was useless. Wherever 
a bit of the watchfire fell, it broke into flames. Finally, they 
arrested seventeen more women. Four remained, holding the 
purple, white, and gold banners. 

Suddenly a great tongue of flame leaped upwards from 
the urn in Lafayette Square, The crowd rushed towards it. 


Then for a moment it seemed to go mad. A group of young 
men rushed over to the Headquarters; climbed up the pil- 
lars; tore down the flag, the uprights, and the pole. The 
bell ultimately crashed to the ground. 

The police arrested the remaining four sentinels. By 
eight o'clock that afternoon, released on bail, all the women 
were back in Headquarters. Half an hour later, they went 
out with their banners again. The streets seemed deserted 
even by policemen. But, as they crossed the street, the park 
police began to materialize from the shrubs and trees of the 
square. Howerer, they built their watchfire on the White 
House pavement, and stood there on guard for an hour and 
a half. Crowds gathered, of course. Occasionally, a man 
would rush over to one of the girls, and tear her banner 
from her. The girl would hold it as long as it was a physical 
possibility, the crowd meanwhile calling remonstrance or 
encouragement according to their sympathies. By ten 
o'clock the women were all arrested again. They spent the 
night in the house of detention. They were: Dr. Caroline 
Spencer; Adelina Piunti; Helen Chisaski; Mrs. C. Weaver; 
Eva Weaver; Ruth Scott; Elsie Ver Vane; Julia Emory; 
Lucia Calmes; Mrs. Alexander Shields; Elizabeth Kalb; 
Mildred Morris; Lucy Burns; Edith Ainge; Mrs. Gilson 
Gardner; Gertrude Crocker; Ellen Winsor; Kate Heflfel- 
finger; Katherine Boyle; Naomi Barrett; Palys L. Chev- 
rier; Maud Jamison; Elizabeth Huff. 

Suffragists filled the court when these women came up 
for trial. Four of them were tried at once. They were sen- 
tenced to a ten-dollar fine or five days' imprisonment. Their 
entrance into court had been greeted with applause from the 
audience. When the next four women appeared, they too 
were applauded. The Judge said, " The bailiffs will escort 
the prisoners out and bring them in again, and if there is 
any applause this time . . ." 

The prisoners returned, and the applause was a roar. 
Three women among those who applauded were taken out 

Vhoto Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

One op the Watchfikes of Freedom. 
Taken Just Before the Arrest of the Picket Line. 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

A Policeman Scatters the Watchfire. 


of the mass. " The police will escort the women out of the 
courtroom," said the Court. When they reached the door, 
" And see that they do not return," added the Court. As 
the door closed, " And lock the doors," shouted the Court. 
Thereafter, the prisoners were brought m one at a time, 
and were sent to jail immediately. Twenty-two women were 
thus sentehced. There remained one for whom thfere was no 
prosecuting witness — ^Naomi Barrett. 

The next day, Naomi Barrett was tried alone. As she 
came forward, applause greeted her — applause long and 
continued. The Judge ordered silence. The applause con- 
tinued. He ordered the applauders to be brought forward. 
One, Mrs. JPflaster, sank to the floor in a faint. She was 
picked up and put on a chair, but as she fell from the chair, 
the Judge ordered her removed at once. A physician was 
sent for. Her fellow Suffragists demanded that they be 
permitted to see her. Finally one of them was allowed to 
go to her. The Court had scarcely reached the next case 
when word came that Mrs. Pflaster was in a serious condi- 
tion. The Suffragists came rushing in and demanded that 
the Judge come off the Bench and see what had happened; 
the Court obeyed. In due time the doctor arrived, a 
stretcher came, and the patient was taken to the Emergency 

The Judge resumed his seat, and sentenced Bertha Moller, 
Gertrude Murphy, Rhoda Kellogg, and Margaret Whitte- 
more — the applauders — to twenty- four hours in jail for con- 
tempt of court.. Mrs. Barrett was sentenced to five days 
in jail. They joined the twenty-two women who were already 
there and hunger-striking. 

On January 27, six women kindled a Watchfire on the 
White House pavement. They were arrested on the charge 
of starting a fire after sundown. They were as usual, tried 
the next day; sentenced to five days in jail. They went on 
a hunger-strike of course. They were : Bertha Moller ; Ger- 
trude Murphy ; Rhoda Kellogg; Mary Carol Dowell ; Martha 
Moore; Katherine Magee. 


In the meantime an interesting event took place in France. 
President Wilson received a delegation representing the 
working women of France, Saturday, January 25, at the 
Murat Mansion in Paris. The delegation urged upon the 
President that the Peace Conference include Woman Suf- 
frage among the points to be settled by the Conference. 
President Wilson replied as follows: 

Mile. Thomson and ladies: You have not only done me a great 
honor, but you have touched me very much by this unexpected 
tribute; and may I add that you have frightened me, because 
realizing the great confidence you place in me, I am led 
to the question of my own ability to justify that ' con- 
fidence ? 

You have not placed your confidence wrongly in my hopes and 
purposes, but perhaps not all of those hopes and purposes can 
be realized in the great matter that you have so much at heart — 
the right of women to take their full share in the political life 
of the nations to which they belong. That is necessarily a do- 
mestic question for the several nations. A conference of peace 
settling the relations of nations with each other would be re- 
garded as going very much outside its province if it undertook 
to dictate to the several states what their internal policy should 

At the same time these considerations apply also to the condi- 
tions of labor; and it does not seem to be unlikely that the con- 
ference will take some action by way of expressing its sentiments, 
at any rate, with regard to the international aspects at least of 
labor, and I should hope that some occasion might be offered 
for the case not only of the women of France, but of their sisters 
all over the world, to be presented to the consideration of the 

The conference is turning out to be a rather unwieldy body, 
a very large body representing a great many nations, large and 
small, old and new; and the method of organizing its work suc- 
cessfully, I am afraid will have to be worked out stage 
by stage. Therefore I have no confident prediction to 
make as to the way in which it can take up the question of this 

But what I have most at heart today is to avail myself of 
this opportunity to express my admiration for the women of all 
the nations that have been engaged in the war. By the fortunes 
of this war the chief burden has fallen upon the women of 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C. 

Suffragist Rebuilding the Fire Scattered by the Police. 

■ ' ■'! 

■r^. «. . 




HHII** ""*">* 

if i . J 

I . 

Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, VVashingtonj D. C. 

The Last Suffragist Arrested — the Fire 
Burns On. 


France, and they have borne it with a spirit and a devotion which 
has commanded the admiration of the world. 

I do not think that the people of France fully realize, perhaps, 
the intensity of the sympathy that other nations have felt for 
them. They think of us in America, for example, as a long way 
off. And we are in space but we are not in thought. You must 
remember that the United States is made up . of the nations of 
Europe: that French sympathies run straight across the seas, 
not merely by historic association but by blood connection, and 
that these nerves of sympathy are quick to transmit the impulses 
. of one nation to the other. 

We have followed your sufferings with a feeling that we were 
witnessing one of the most heroic, and may I add, at the same 
time satisfactory things in the world, satisfactory because it 
showed the strength of the human spirit, the indomitable power 
of women and men alike to sustain any burden if the cause was 
great enough. 

In an ordinary war there might have been some shrinking, 
some sinking of effort; but this was not an ordinary war. This 
was a war not only to redeem France from an enemy, but to 
redeem the world from an enemy. And France, therefore, and 
the women of France strained their hearts to sustain the world. 
I hope that the strain has not been in vain. I know that it has 
not been in vain. 

This war has been popular and unlike other wars in that it 
seemed sometimes as if the chief strain was behind the lines and 
not at the lines. It took so many men to conduct the war that 
the older men and the women at home had to carry the nation. 
Not only so, but the industries of the nation were almost as much 
a part of the fighting as the things that took place at the fronts. 

So it is for that reason that I have said to those with whom 
I am at present associated that this must be a people's peace, 
because this was a people's war. The people won this war, not 
the governments, and the people must reap the benefits of the 
war. At every turn we must see to it that it is not an adjust- 
ment between governments merely, but an agreement for the peace 
and security of men and women everywhere. 

The little obscure sufferings and the daily unknown privations, 
the unspoken sufferings of the heart, are the tragical things of 
this war. They have been borne at home, and the center of the 
home is the woman. My heart goes out to you, therefore, ladies, 
in a very unusual degree, and I welcome this opportunity to bring 
you this message, not from myself merely, but from the great 
people whom I represent. , 


Mary Nolan — over seventy years old — immediately made 
Suffrage capital of this speech by the President. Mrs. 
Nolan's record in the period of the Watchfires is positively 

On January 19, with Bertha A.mold, Mrs. Nolan was 
arrested for the first time in connection with the Watchfires 
of Freedom demopstrations. On January 24, while under sus- 
pended sentence, the two women again fed the flames in front 
of the White House. They were immediately arrested; the 
next day, tried. Mrs. Nolan said : 

I am guilty if there is any guilt in a demand for freedom. I 
protest against the action of the President who is depriving 
American women of freedom. I have been sent to represent my 
State Florida, and I am willing to do or suffer anjrthing to bring 
victory to the long courageous struggle. I have fought this fight 
many years. I have seen children born to g^ow to woman- 
hood to fight at my side. I have seen their children grow up to 
fight with us. 

So great a storm of applause greeted these remarks that 
the Judge had thirteen of the applauders brought immedi- 
ately to the dock and tried for contempt of Court. Thirteen 
women were sentenced to forty-eight hours in jail with no 
alternative of fines. These thirteen women were : Lucy Burns ; 
Edith Ainge; Mary Gertrude Fendall; Phoebe Munnecke; 
Lucy Branham; Annie Arniel; Matilda Young; Ruth 
Crocker ; Elsie Unterman ; Kiate Boeckh ; Emily Huff; Lucile 
Shields ; Elizabeth Walmsley. 

Bertha Arnold received a sentence of five days, but Mrs. 
Nolan was released. 

On Monday, January 27, Mrs. Nolan went out on the 
picket-line again, this time with Sarah Colvin. As she burned 
in the Watchfire the text of the President's words to the 
French workingwomen, she said : 

President Wilson told the women of France that they had not 
placed their confidences wrongly in his hopes and purposes. I 
tell the women of France that the women of America have placed 


their confidence in President Wilson's hopes and purposes for six 
years, and the Party of which he is a leader has continually, and 
is even now obstructing their enfranchisement. 

President Wilson has the power to do for the women of this 
nation what he asserts he would like to do for the women of 
other nations. 

There are thirty-one days left for the passage of the Suffrage 
Amendment in this Congress, of which his Party is in control. 
Let him return to this country and act to secure democracy for 
his own people. Then the words that he spoke for the women of 
Europe will have weight and will bear fruit. Sooner or later 
the women of the world will know what we know — ^that confidence 
cannot be placed in President Wilson's hopes and purposes for 
the freedom of women. 

The police seemed loath to arrest Mrs. Nolan, but they 
finally -fid so. The Court as reluctantly sentenced her to 
twenty-four hours in jail. Mrs. Colvin received the cus- 
tomary five days. Three more applauding Suffragists were 
committed at this last trial, for forty-eight hours: Cora 
Crawford, Margaret Rossett, Elsie Ufaterman. 

On January 31, Mrs. Nolan was again arrested at a 
Watchfire demonstration with Mary Ingham and Annie 
Arniel. She was discharged by the Court. Mary Ingham 
and Annie Arniel, it may be mentioned, were held in jail for 
two days before they were brought to trial. There were no 
witnesses against them, and so they were freed. 

On February 4, Mrs. Nolan was arrested again with Elsie 
T. Russian and Bertha Wallerstein for burning the Presi- 
dent's speech to French Deputies. There was the usual 
applause when the three women appeared in Court, and, 
as usual, the Judge ordered silence; as usual, the applause 
continued. Three applauders were thrown out. 

Mrs. Russian made the following statement to the Court : 

By burning the hypocritical words of President Wilson, we 
have expressed the unmistakable impatience of American women. 
In place of words, these women demand action. I am glad to 
have taken part in the expression of that demand. 


The watchfires had been going since New Year's Day, 
growing in numbers until they culminated in the biggest 
demonstration of all, two days before the day set for the vote. 

On February 9, they burned the President in efBgy. 

At half-past four that Sunday, the bell at Headquarters 
began to toll. A procession of a hundred women, headed 
by Mrs. H. O. Havemeyer bearing the American flag, 
marched to the White House pavement. Behind Mrs. Have- 
meyer came Ella Riegel, bearing the purple, white, and gold 
banner. Behind the color bearers came Mrs. John Rogers 
and Mary Ingham, carrying a lettered banner which said: 





Behind this came Sarah T. Colvin and Mrs. Walter Adams, 
carrying a second lettered banner : 





Behind these banners came Nell Mercer and Elizabeth 
McShane bearing an earthen urn filled with fire. Behind 


them came Sue White and Gabrielle Harris, who were to 
perform the leading act of the demonstration. 

After these came twenty-six wood bearers, and long 
eddying waves of the purple, white, and gold. The urn 
bearers deposited the urn in its place on the pavement oppo- 
site the White House door. The wood bearers and the 
banner bearers formed a guard about it. Sue White then 
advanced and dropped into the flames a paper figure — a car- 
toon — of the President. Mrs. Havemeyer then attempted to 
make a speech. Before she was arrested, she managed to say 
the following three sentences: 

Every Anglo-Saxon government in the world has enfranchised 
its women. In Russia, in Hungary, in Austria, in Germany itself, 
the women are completely enfranchised, and thirty-four are now 
sitting in the new Reichstag. We women of America are as- 
sembled here today to voice our deep indignation that while such 
efforts are being made to establish democracy for Europe, Ameri- 
can women are stiU deprived of a voice in their government here 
at home. 

Speaker after speaker attempted to follow her, but they 
were all arrested. The police patrols were soon filled up, 
and nearby cars were cpmmandeered. There was an enor- 
mous crowd present. The police — nearly a hundred of 
them — tried to force them back, and succeeded in getting 
them part way across Pennsylvania Avenue. When they 
turned back, more wood had been brought from Head- 
quarters, and another fire started. Other women who came 
from Headquarters with further reinforcements of wood 
were stopped and arrested. The police then declared the 
open space between the encircling crowd and the banner- 
bearing women a military zone. No person was allowed to 
enter it. For an hour, therefore, the women stood there. 
For the most part, they were motionless, but at intervals they 
marched slowly round their small segment of sidewalk. The 
crowd stayed until the banner bearers started homeward. 
They followed them to the very entrance of Suffrage Head- 


All this time the bell was tolling. 

Those arrested were: Mrs. T. W. Forbes, Mary Nolan, 
Sue White, Mrs. L. V. G. Gwynne Branham, Lillian 
Ascough, Jennie Bronenberg, Rose Fishstein, Nell Mercer, 
Amy Juengling, Reba Comborrov, Mildred Morris, Clara 
Wold, Louise Bryant, Bertha Wallerstein, Martha Shoe- 
maker, Rebecca Garrison, Pauline Adams, Marie Ernst 
Kennedy, Willie Grace Johnson, Phoebe Munnecke, Mrs. 
H. O. Havemeyer, Edith Ainge, Lucy Daniels, Mary Ingham, 
Elizabeth McSharie, Sarah T. Colvin, Ella Riegel, Mrs. 
William Upton Watson, Anne Herkner, Palys Chevrier, 
Anna Ginsberg, EsteUa Eylward, Annie Arniel, Cora Weeks, 
Lucy Burns, Helena Hill Weed, Mrs. John Rogers, Gladys 
Greiner, Rose G. Fishstein. 

On February 10, the Anthony Amendment came up once 
more for the vote in the Senate of the United States. Per- 
haps at this juncture recapitulation in regard to the Senate 
situation will be illuminating. 

It will be remembered that when the Amendment passed 
the House on January 10, 1918, the Suffragists were eleven 
votes short in the Senate, and how — Maud Younger 
told the story most vivaciously — ^nine of these votes were 
obtained. For a long time, the Suffragists continued to 
lack the remaining two votes. The first thing that promised 
to ameliorate this deadlock was the nomination in the South 
Carolina primaries of Pollock for the short term of the 
Sixty-fifth Congress, convening December 2, 1918. Senator 
Pollock confused the situation extraordinarily for the Suf- 
fragists. The South Carolina branch of the Woman's 
Party interviewed him immediately after his election and it 
was their understanding that he told them that he would 
vote " yes " on the Amendment. When he came to Wash- 
ington, however, he refused to state how he would vote. The 
Suffragists were in a difiicult situation. Many of them be- 
lieved that he intended to vote for the Amendment but he 
would not say that he did. They believed they had one of 
the two necessary votes but they could never be sure of it. 


All the time, therefore, they were trying to get the votes 
of Moses of New Hampshire, Gay of Louisiana, Hale of 
Maine, Trammell of Florida, and Borah of Idaho, as they 
seemed the most likely of the opposed or non-committal men. 

Indeed, two kinds of campaigns were going on — one in the 
States among the constituents of these possible men and the 
campaign of the Watchfires in Washington. As soon as 
the Watchfires began, the President again began to work. 
He called various Senators asking them to support the 
Amendment. The Democratic leaders became alarmed at 
the effect on the country of this constant turmoil in front 
of the White House. In fact they did the thing they had 
always steadfastly refused to do — called a caucus to mobilize 
the Democrats back of the Suffrage Amendment. At this 
caucus, various Administration leaders appealed to the 
Party members in the Senate to give their support to the 
measure. Pollock then made his first public declaration that 
he would vote for the Suffrage Amendment. 

The Amendment now needed but one vote. 

The chairman of the Suffrage Committee then announced 
that another effort would be made to pass the measure and 
it would be brought up for a vote on February 10, although 
until the Watchfires started, they had repeatedly declared 
that it would be impossible to bring it up twice in the same 

As Congress was coming to an end, it was decided to take 
the vote anyway, although, as things stood, even with Pol- 
lock, the Suffragists lacked one vote. Pollock did vote for 
Suffrage but the other vote was not forthcoming. The 
Amendment was therefore defeated on February 10. 

From February 10 to June 4, the Woman's Party was 
working to get that one vote. 

While the Senate was debating Suffrage, thirty-nine of 
the women who had burned the President in effigy the day be- 
fore were being tried. Twenty-five sentences of five days and 
one of two days were, pronounced. Then the Judge de- 


manded, " How many more women are there out there? " 
When he found that several were still waiting, he dismissed 
them without trial. 

They were not charged with burning the effigy of 
the President, but with unlawfully setting fire to certain 
combustibles in that part of the District of Columbia known 
as the White House grounds. 

The prison conditionis which these Suffragists endured 
were as unpleasant as before. At first they went to the 
District of Columbia jail. Since previous incarcerations and 
the resulting complaints and investigations, soap and water 
had been used to some extent in this jail. So much, indeed, 
had soap and water been used that the prisoners could now 
clearly distinguish the vermin of more than one species 
creeping up and down the walls. The rats ran about in 
hordes. While conditions were somewhat Improved, they 
were still bad. 

Harriet Andrews, writing of her Impressions of the jail 
In the Swffragist of January 25, says: 

The jail was real. And it was not funny. I had a book of 
poetry to read, but I was sorry I hadn't taken a volume from the 
.works of the late Henri Fabre. It would have been interesting 
' to study the habits of cockroaches. I lay on my straw pallet 
and watched them clustered in the upper right hand corner of my 
cell waiting for my light to be put out before they began their 
nightly invasion. And when my light went out, the bulb that 
still burned in the corridor enabled me to watch them crawling 
down in a long, uninterrupted line- . . . There were also other 
things that crawled. 

The last group were sent to the old Workhouse in which 
Suifraglsts had been Imprisoned the August before. 

Of that Helena Hill Weed says In the Suffragist of Feb- 
ruary 22: 

No fire had been built in the old Workhouse this winter until 
a few hours before we were imprisoned there. The dampness 


and cold of the first floor was quite unbearable. They per- 
mitted the women to sleep in the upper tier of cells^ where the 
ventilation is better than on the ground floor where we were 
forced to sleep last summer. But these cells are too dark to stay 
in during the day, and the only other place is the cold, damp 
stone floor on the ground. The only fresh air in the prison enters 
the building through windows fifteen feet above the level of the 
floor where the women have to spend their waking hours. The 
warm air from the furnaces, which enters the building on the 
first floor immediately rises to the roof. The damp, icy winter 
air and all the noxious gases and foul odors sink to the floor, 
where the women have to sit. They are serving their imprison- 
ment under practically cellar conditions. The authorities are not 
forcing us to drink the water in the pipes of the Workhouse 
this time, but are supplying fresh water. 

Harriet Andrews said that in coining out, " the sense of 
air and light and space burst upon me like a shout." 

In the meantime, the Woman's Party, carrying out its 
extraordinary thorough and forthright policy of publicity, 
had not failed to tell the country at large about all this. 
They sent throughout the United States a carfull of 
speakers; all women who had served sentences in prison. 
They were : Abby Scott Baker, Lucy Burns, Bertha Arnold, 
Mary Ingham, Mabel Vernon, Mrs, Robert Walker, Gladys 
Greiner, Mrs. A. R. Colvin, Ella Riegel, Mrs. H. O. Have- 
meyer, Mrs. W. D. Ascough, Mary Winsor, Elizabeth Mc- 
Shane, Vida MilhoUand, Sue White, Lucy Ewing, Lucy 
Branham, Edith Ainge, Pauliue Adams, Mrs. John Rogers, 
Cora Week, and Mary Nolan. 

This ear was called the Prison Special and the newspapers 
soon called the women the Prison Specialists, On the plat- 
form the speakers all wore duplicates of their prison cos- 
tumes. Perhaps in all its history, the Woman's Party has 
never gathered — not a more brilliant company of speakers 
— ^but speakers with so marvelous a story to tell. They 
spoke to packed houses. At their very first meeting in 
Charleston, South Carolina, traffic was actually stopped by 
the overflow meeting. 



The President of the United States returned to America 
from Europe on February 24*, 1919, landing in Boston. 
Boston arranged an enormous welcome-home demonstration. 
The Woman's Party determined to take part in that welcome 
to remind him of the Suffrage work to be done, and they 
announced this to the world at large. Alice Paul went to 
Boston to arrange this demonstration. The Boston police 
announced in their turn that they would establish a dead 
line in front of the reviewing stand beyond which the Suf- 
fragists would not be allowed to penetrate. However, the 
Suffragists, following the Red Cross women, marched 
through the line of Marines who held the crowd back, and 
took up their position before the reviewing stand where the 
President was to appear. At the head of the line in the 
place of honor, waving the American flag, was Katherine 
Morey. On one side of the Stars and Stripes was the his- 
toric banner: 


On the other side of the Stars and Stripes was a second 
historic banner: 


The special lettered banner for the occasion read: 







This banner was carried by Lois Shaw and Ruth Small. 

The police politely requested the pickets to depart and 
the pickets politely refused to go ; whereupon the police po- 
litely arrested them. The arrested women were: Jessica 
Henderson, Ruth Small, Lou Daniels, Mrs. Frank Page, 
Josephine Collins, Berry Pettier, Wilma Henderson, Mrs. 
Irving Gross, Mrs. George Roewer, Francis Fowler, 
Camilla Whitcomb, Mrs. H. L. Turner, Eleanor Calnan, 
Betty Connelly, Betty Gram, Lois Warren Shaw, Rose 
Lewis, Mrs. E. T. Russian. 

They were charged with "loitering more than seven 

In the afternoon while the President was making a speech 
in Mechanics Hall, a Watchfire demonstration occurred on 
Boston Common. A vast crowd gathered about it. From 
three o'clock in the afternoon until six, the women made 

The speakers were: Louise. Sykes, Mrs. C. C. Jack, Mrs. 
Mortimer Warren, Mrs. Robert Trent Whitehouse, Agnes 
H. Morey, Elsie Hill. 

Louise Sykes burned the President's words — and they were 
the words that he was speaking that very afternoon. Mrs. 
Mortimer Warren and Mrs. C. C. Jack were arrested at six 
o'clock and released immediately. Elsie Hill was detained on 
the charge of speaking without a permit. 

That day the President's carriage drove by the Boston 
Headquarters. When Wilson saw the purple, white, and 
gold colors, his expression changed. Quickly he looked the 
other way. It was observed that he held across his knees 
a newspaper whose flaring headlines announced that day's 


The Suffragists were tried on February 25, by what was 
very like a Star Chamber proceeding, in the Judge's lobby 
on the second floor of the court house. The Press was not 
excluded from the hearing, but the public was. As usual, 
the Suffragists did not assist the Court by giving names or 
answering questions. As a result, in the words of the Suf- 
fragist, " There is quite a family of Jane Does in Boston." 
Sixteen of them= — everybody, except Wilma Henderson, who 
was discovered to be a minor, and several others who could 
not be identified — ^were sentenced to eight days in jail. 

Some person — ^I quote from the Suffragitt — entirely un- 
known and untraceable and unidentified, whom the policemen 
gave the name " E. H. Howe " paid the fines of these women. 
Katherine Morey, Ruth Small, and Betty Connelly were re- 
leased on February 26 ; Josephine Collins on February 27 ; 
the others came out two at a time. 

As usual, the complaints of the Suffragists called the 
attention of the people of the commmunity to the filthy con- 
dition of their jail, which these experts pronounced one of 
the worst in the country. It was characterized by the 
" bucket system." In each cell stood two buckets for toilet 
purposes. One contained the water in which they bathed. 
The other was emptied once a day or once in two days, 
according to the frequency with which the prisoner was 
permitted to go into the jail-yard for the purpose. 

The Boston papers gave this demonstration enormous 
publicity. Boston institutions received in the press a muck- 
raking which they had not experienced in years. 

When President Wilson arrived in the Capitol at Wash- 
ington — after this welcome in Boston — one of the first 
pieces of legislation which he took up was the Federal 
Suffrage Amendment. He went to the Capitol and con- 
ferred with Senator Jones of New Mexico (Democrat) 
Chairman of the Woman's Suffrage Committee, about the 
Suffrage Resolution. After the vote of February 10, 


Senator Jones of New Mexico refused to introduce the 
Suffrage Resolution again, but Senator Jones of Washing- 
ton, the ranking Republican, introduced the identical bill. 
The President expressed his regret over the failure of the 
measure on February 10, but he did not exert his influence 
towards getting it passed. 

The Sixty-fifth Congress was about to adjourn in a few 
days. On F^ruary 28, in order to overcome the Parlia- 
mentary difficulty of the reconsideration of a measure Trhich 
had been once reconsidered. Senator Jones of New Mexico 
introduced a Suffrage Amendment which was a variation of 
the Anthony Amendment and so of course to Suffragists not 
so satisfactory. It was referred to the Woman Suffrage 
Committee. Soon after this, Senator Gay of Louisiana, who 
had voted against the Amendment on February 10, an- 
nounced that he would now vote for it. The President had 
obtained this vote, but like all his action on Suffrage, it 
came too late. There were only three days left and Senator 
Jones of New Mexico made several attempts to obtain the 
necessary unanimous consent for the consideration of his 
Resolution, but he was unsuccessful. On Saturday, March 1, 
Senator Wadsworth (Republican) objected. On Monday, 
March 3, Senator Weeks (Republican) objected. On 
Tuesday, March 4, Senator Sherman (Republican) objected. 
The session came to an end in the Senate without action on 
the Suffrage Amendment. The Republicans did not want 
the Democrats to get the credit of passing it, and so pre- 
vented it from coming to a vote. 



When Congress adjourned at noon March 3, President 
Wilson left immediately for Europe, stopping in New York 
to speak at the Metropolitan Opera House. Alice Paul 
arranged at once a demonstration in New York as a 
protest against the President leaving the Suffrage question 
still unsettled. Her plan was to have every word on democ- 
racy, uttered by the President inside the Opera House, im- 
mediately burned outside the Opera House. 

On the evening of March 4 a long line of Suffragists 
started from the New York Headquarters at 13 East Forty- 
first Street. Margaretta Schuyler carried the American 
flag. Lucy Maverick followed her carrying the purple, 
white, and gold tri-color. Florence De Shan carried: 


Beatrice Castleton bore: 


The lettered banner for the occasion said: 




At the corner of Fortieth Street and Broadway, this line 
met a barrier of more than a hundred policemen. As the 
Suffragists tried to pass through them, the police — assisted 
by soldiers and sailors from the crowd — rushed upon them; 
bore down the banners ; broke them. 

In her book. Jailed for Freedom, Doris Stevens tells how 
in perfect silence, but in the most business-like way, the New 
York police clubbed the pickets. They arrested six of the 
women; Alice Paul, Elsie Hill, Doris Stevens, Beatrice 
Castleton, Lucy Maverick, Marie Bodenheim. These were 
taken to the police station charged with disorderly conduct. 
After half an hour, they were suddenly released. 

They went back to Headquarters, re-formed into a sec- 
ond line and started for the Opera House. At Fortieth 
Street, the police again rushed them, tearing and breaking 
their flags. The women were knocked down. Some were 
trampled underfoot, and picked up later, limp and bleeding 
from scrapes and bruises. Elsie Hill succeeded in retaining 
her torch. She began her meeting of protest. A messenger 
emerged from the Opera House with some of the words which 
the President had just uttered, and she burned them. The 
police rushed upon her, but they were too late. In the mean- 
time, Alice Paul had succeeded in bringing the line of Suf- 
fragists up to the wall of police. There the crowds dashed 
on them again. 

With the wonderful spirit which always characterized her, 
Elsie Hill called out to one of the soldiers : 

Did you fellows turn back when you saw the Germans come? 
What would you have thought of any one who did? Do you 
expect us to turn back now? We never turn back either — ^and 
we won't until democracy is won ! 

Finally the police pushed the crowds back so far that 
there was no audience. The pickets returned to Head- 
quarters. There they found that all the evening long, law- 
less citizens had been breaking in, carrying out great bundles 
of banners and burning them in the street. 


Doris Stevens tells in Jailed for Freedom haw, when she 
attempted to enter Headquarters, she was knocked down by 
a hoodlum armed with one of their banner-poles. 

That night and the following day, sailors, privates and 
officers — ^military and naval — called at Suffrage Headquar- 
ters to apologize for the conduct of other men in uniform. 
They begged the women to believe that their action was 
not representative of the attitude of service men in general. 

The Sixty-sixth Congress convened in special session on 
May 19, 1919, with the Republicans in control. 

The Suffragists knew before this Congress convened, that 
it would pass the Anthony Amendment. 

This was how it happened. 



The Suffrage situation was a little confused. Senator Baird, 
opposed to Suffrage, of the old Congress, was succeeded by 
Edge, favorable to it. Pollock, favorable, was succeeded by 
Dial, opposed. Vardaman of Mississippi, favorable, was suc- 
ceeded by Harrison. Drew of New Hampshire, opposed, was 
succeeded by Keyes. Hardwick of Georgia, opposed, was 
succeeded by Harris. These three last new Senators — Har- 
rison (Democrat), Harris (Democrat), and Keyes (Repub- 
lican) — mantained a steady silence as to how they would 
vote. It was necessary to get one of them. 

Senator Harris was a close supporter of President Wilson. 
Alice Paul knew that Matthew Hale, former. Chairman of 
the Progressive National Committee, a Suffragist but not 
a Democrat, was influential with the Administration. She 
therefore suggested to Anita PoUitzer that she see Mr. Hale 
at once and lay the situation before him. This was early in 
May and Congress was convening May 19. Mr. Hale was 
enthusiastic in his desire to help. The situation was com- 
plicated by the fact that the President was in Europe. Mr. 
Hale and Miss Pollitzer went over the Senate poll and from 
among the most favorable non-committal senators chose Har- 
ris of Georgia. He too was in Europe. Suddenly the field 
of the campaign crossed three thousand miles of Atlantic 
Ocean to France. The Woman's Party concentrated their 
forces on getting President Wilson to influence Harris into 
declaring for Suffrage. Mr. Hale worked steadily with a 
group of people close to the President who rapidly increased 
in numbers. Ultimately this pressure bore fruit in a con- 
ference between Robert WooUey, Democratic Publicity Man- 



ager in the 1916 campaign, Homer S. Cummings, Chairman 
of the National Democratic Committee, William J. Cochran, 
Director of Publicity of the Democratic Committee, Joseph 
Tumulty, the President's Secretary, Senator Walsh. The 
result of this conference was that Tumulty sent a cable 
to the President, suggesting that he confer with Senator 
Harris. Senator Harris was in Italy, but at the President's 
request he went to France. Immediately came the news on 
the cable that Senator Harris would support the Suffrage 

Having secured Harris* vote. President Wilson cabled a 
message to the new Congress on the night of May 20 which 
contained the following reference to the Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment : 

Will you permit me, turning from these matters, to speak once 
more and very earnestly of the proposed Amendment to the Con- 
stitution which would extend the Suffrage to women and which 
passed the House of Representatives at the last session of the 
Congress? It seems to me that every consideration of justice and 
of public advantage calls for the immediate adoption of that 
Amendment and its submission forthwith to the legislatures of the 
several States. 

Throughout all the world this long delayed extension of the 
Suffrage is looked for; in the United States, longer, I believe, 
than anywhere else, the necessity for it, and the immense advan- 
tages of it to the national life, has been urged and del)ated by 
tromen and men who saw the need for it and urged the policy of 
it when it required steadfast courage to be so much beforehand 
with the common conviction ; and I, for one, covet for our country 
the distinction of being among the first to act in a great reform. 

As soon as Suffrage was assured by this sixty-fourth vote, 
Senator Keyes and Senator Hale in a convulsive effort to 
leap on the fast disappearing band-wagon announced that 
they would vote for the Amendment, thus giving the Suf- 
fragists two extra votes. 

As this was a new Congress it was necessary for the House 
to pass the Suffrage Amendment again. On May 21, 1919, 
therefore, the new House passed it by three hundred and 


four votes to eighty-nine — forty-two more than the required 
two-thirds. It will be remembered that, when the previous 
House passed it on January 10, 1918, the vote was two 
hundred and seventy-four to one hundred and thirty-six — 
only one vote more than the required two-thirds. 

The Amendment then went to the Senate. 

In her Revelations of a Woman Lobbyist, Maud Younger 
says : 

Four months later, on June fourth, for tke fifth time in a 
little more than a year, we sat in the Senate gallery to hear a 
vote on the Suffrage Amendment. The new Congress, coming in 
on March fourth, had brought us two more votes — we now had 
our eleven. There was no excitement. The coming of the 
women, the waiting of the women, the expectancy of the women, 
was an old story. A whole year had passed in the winning of 
two votes. Every one knew what the end would be now. It 
was all very dull. 

We walked slowly homeward, talking a little, silent a great 
deal. This was the day toward which women had been strug- 
gling for more than half a century! We were in the dawn of 
woman's political power in America. 

Several days before the Senate passed the Amendment, 
Alice Paul left Washington to arrange for an immediate 
ratification by the legislatures in session. 




Chant Royal 

Waken, O Woman, to the trumpet somid 

Greeting our day of long sought liberty; 

Gone are the ages that have held us bound 
Beneath a master, now we stand as he. 

Free for world-service unto all mankind, 

Free of the dragging chains that used to bind. 
The sordid labor, the unnoticed woe. 
The helpless shame, the unresisted blow. 

Submission to our owner's least command — 
No longer pets or slaves are we, for lo ! 

Women are free at last in all the land. 

Long was the stony road our feet have found 

From that dark past to the new world we see. 

Each step with heavy hindrance hemmed around. 
Each door to freedom closed with bolt and key; 

Our feet with old tradition all entwined. 

Untrained, uneducated, uncombined. 

We had to fight old faiths of long ago. 
And in our households find our dearest foe. 

Against the world's whole weight we had to stand 
Till came the day it could no more say no — 

Women are free at last in all the land. 

Around us prejudice, emotion-drowned. 

Rose like a flood and would not let us free; 

Women themselves, soft-bred and silken gowned. 
Historic shame have won by their mad plea 

To keep their own subjection; with them lined 

All evil forces of the world we find. 

No crime so brazen and no vice so low 
But fought us, with inertia blind and slow. 

And ignorance beneath its darkling brand. 

With these we strove and still must strive, although 

Women are free at last in all the land. 


The serving squaw, the peasant, toil-embrowned. 

The household drudge, no honor and no fee — 
For these we now see women world-renowned. 

In art and science, work of all degree. 
She whom world progress had left far behind 
Now has the secret of full life divined, — 

Her largest service gladly to bestow; 

Great is the gain since ages far below. 
In honored labor, of head and hand ; 

Now may her power and genius clearly show 
Women are free at last in all the land. 

Long years of effort to her praise redound, 

To such high courage all may bend the knee. 

Beside her brother, with full freedom crowned. 
Mother and wife and citizen is she. 

Queen of her soul and body, heart and mind. 

Strong for the noble service God designed ; 

See now the marching millions, row on row. 
With steady eyes and faces all aglow. 

They come! they come! a glad triumphant band, — 
Roses and laurels in their pathway strow — 

Women are free at last in all the land ! 


Sisters! we now must change the world we know 
To one great garden where the child may grow. 

New freedom means new duty, broad and grand. 
To make a better world and hold it so 

Women are free at last in all the land. 

Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 
The Suffragist, September, 1920. 

The Suffrage Amendment had now passed both the House of 
Representatives and the Senate, One step was necessary 
before it became a part of the Constitution of the United 
States — ratification by the legislatures of three-quarters of 
the States in the Union — ^by thirty-six States out of forty- 
eight. No time limit was set by Congress on ratification, but 
naturally Suffragists wanted it to come as soon as possible. 


Some people believed it would take twenty years. They did 
not reckon with Alice Paul however. 

As soon as Congress passed the Suffrage Amendment, the 
whole situation — as far as Suffrage was concerned — changed. 
Now the President, the leaders in the Administration, the 
leaders in the great political Parties became potential allies. 

In four States — ^Wisconsin, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Massa- 
chusetts — the Legislatures were in regular session. In three 
States — Texas, Ohio, Micl^gan— called on matters not per- 
taining to Suffrage, the Legislatures were in special session. 
The first undertaking of the Woman's Party was to get the 
convening Legislatures to ratify and the remaining States to 
call special sessions. 

A race as to who should be the first to ratify, set in be- 
tween Wisconsin, Michigan, and Illinois. All three ratified 
on June 10. But Illinois had to re-ratify later on June 17 
because of an error in printing the Amendment on its first 
ratification on June 10. As between the other two, Wiscon- 
sin won. 

The story of Wisconsin's part in the race is interesting 
and humorous. D. 6. James, the father of Ada James, 
former Chairman of the Wisconsin Branch of the Woman's 
Party, was spending the day in Madison when the Legisla- 
ture ratified. His daughter was, of course, exceedingly de- 
sirous that Wisconsin should achieve the honor of the first 
ratification, and he was equally desirous of aiding her. He 
assisted her in every way to avoid official delays and in get- 
ting the action of the Legislature properly certified. He 
commandeered his daughter's traveling bag, made a few 
swift purchases of the necessities of traveling, and caught the 
first train to Washington. He procured a signed statement 
that Wisconsin's ratification was the first to be received from 
the Department of State, on June 13. He brought his 
trophy in triumph to Headquarters and told his story to 
the newspaper men while the statement was being photo- 

That statement runs as follows : 



June IS, 1919. 
By direction of the Acting Secretary of State, I hereby ac- 
knoivledge the receipt of a certified copy of the Joint Resolution 
of the Legislature of the State of Wisconsin, ratifying the pro- 
posed Amendment to the Constitution of the United States ex- 
tending the right of Suffrage to women, which was delivered by 
Special Messenger, D. G. James, on June IS, 1919, and is the 
first ratification of tke Amendment which has been received. 

J. A. Towner, 
Chief of Bureau. 

Michigan, almost neck and neck in the race with Wisconsin, 
ratified on June 10. Kansas, Ohio, and New York ratified on 
June 16. Kansas was the first State to ,call its Legislature 
in special session to ratify the Suffrage Amendment, the first 
also in which the legislators paid their own expenses to at- 
tend the special session. Illinois, held up by that mistake 
in printing, ratified on June 17. 

Pennsylvania, the first non-Suffrage State, ratified on 
June 24, but not without a struggle. The session of the 
Legislature was drawing to a close and it was diflicult to 
get the measure introduced. The National Woman's Party 
made a strenuous campaign. Mrs, Lawrence Lewis, Chair- 
man of the Pennsylvania Ratification Committee, enlisted the 
aid of Governor Sproul and in a conference with Senator 
Penrose, who had been one of the strongest opponents to the 
Suffrage Amendment in the United States Senate, persuaded 
him to give his support to ratification. Mary Ingham, the 
State Chairman, brought all the Woman's Party forces in the 
State to bear upon the situation. The scene in the Senate 
when the vote was taken was highly colorful. The floor was 
a waving mass of purple, white, and gold. The tri-color 
badges of the National Woman's Party appeared everywhere 
on the floor and among the audience. There was such demand 
for the Woman's Party colors that at the last moment the 
stock had to be replenished. After the final victory in the 


House, a parade of purple, white, and gold blazed its way 
through Harrisburg. 

Massachusetts followed close on Pennsylvania, ratifying 
on June 25. Agnes Morey, the State Chairman of the Na- 
tional Woman's Party, assisted by members of the State 
branch, and by Betty Gram, national organizer, made the 
intensive drive on the Legislature, which resulted in their 
bringing the Bay State into camp. Here, Senator Lodge, 
another hitherto unchangeable opponent to the Suffrage 
Amendment in the United States Senate, did not oppose 
the measure when it came up before the Massachusetts 
Legislature, although he did not give the support which 
Penrose of Pennsylvania gave. 

Texas, the first Democratic " one-party " Stkte to do so, 
ratified by special session on June 28. Iowa, after an ap- 
peal for a special session from Senator Cummins to Gov- 
ernor Harding — ^this was done at the instance of the 
Woman's Party — ratified on July 2; Missouri ratified by 
special session on July 3. 

In the meantime the Legislature of Alabama, which only 
convenes once in four years, met and although Suffragists 
had not wanted this session and had very little hope of suc- 
cess, they conducted a campaign for ratification. As it was 
the first Democratic State in which there was difficulty, an 
appeal was made to the President. He despatched the fol- 
lowing telegrams: 

White House, 
» July 12, 1919. 

Hon. Thomas E. Kilby, Governor, 
Montgomery, Alabama. 
I hope you will pardon me if I express my very earnest hope 
that the Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States may be ratified by the great State of Alabama. 

It would constitute a very happy augury for the future and 
add greatly to the strength of the movement which, in my judg- 
ment, is based upon the highest considerations, both of justice 
and experience. 

WooDROw Wilson. 


White House, 
July 14, 1919. 
Hon. H. P. Merritt, 

Speaker of House of Representatives, 

Montgomery, Alabama. 
I hope that you wiU not think that I am taking an unwar- 
ranted liberty in saying that I earnestly hope, as do all friends 
of the great liberal movement which it represents, that the legis- 
lature of Alabama will ratify the Suffrage Amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States. It would give added hope and 
courage to the friends of justice and enlightened policy every- 
where and would constitute the best possible augury for future 
liberal policy of every sort. 

WooDRow Wilson. 

Alabama was the first State in which ratification was 

By this time, the Legislature in Georgia was convening. 
Suffragists had no more hope of ratification here than in 
Alabama. Nevertheless the campaign was made. They ap- 
pealed to the national Democratic leaders for help and the 
President despatched the following telegram: 

White House, 
July 14, 1919. 
Governor Hugh M. Dorsey, 
State Capitol, 

Atlanta, Georgia. 
I am profoundly interested in the passage of the Suffrage 
Amendment to the Constitution, and will very much value your 
advice as to the present status of the matter in the Georgia legis- 
lature. I would like very much to be of help, for I believe 
it to be absolutely essential to the political future of the country 
that the Amendment be passed. It is absolutely essential to the 
future of the Democratic Party that it take a leading part in this 
great reform. 

WooDRow Wilson. 

Georgia defeated ratification July M, although the na- 
tional Democratic leaders had aided in the entire campaign. 

Arkansas ratified on July 20; Montana, July 20; Ne- 
braska on August 2, all by special session. 


Then came a lull in the ratification race. By August, 
only two States west of the Mississippi, had ratified and 
to the great surprise-^-and the intense disappointment — of 
Suffragists, the West continued to maintain this lethargy. 

In the meantime, there came a special session for good 
roads in Virginia, another Democratic State. Since the ses- 
sion was meeting, the Suffragists had no alternative but to 
make the fight. In Virginia, they relied again on the Demo- 
cratic national leaders to overcome the opposition of the 
local Democratic leaders. As in the case of Alabama and 
Georgia, although the national leaders did much, they did 
not do enough. The President, however, despatched the fol- 
lowing letter: 

August 22, 1919- 
President of the Senate, 

Richmond, Virginia. 

May I not take the liberty of expressing my profound interest 
in the action which the Legislature of my native State is to take 
in the matter of the Suffrage Amendment to the United States 
Constitution. It seems to me of profound importance to our 
country that this Amendment should be adopted and I venture to 
urge the adoption on the Legislature. With utmost respect and 
with the greatest earnestness, 

WooDHOw Wilson. 

Virginia did not ratify. 

During all this period campaigns for special sessions con- 
tinued. Typical of these is the following account by Julia 
Emory, national organizer, in the July Suffragist : 

"Good-by, good luck, and don't come back until Maryland 
ratifies ! " This from the group of National Headquarters when 
I waved farewell and started over the hills and far away toward 
a special session in Maryland. Over the hills to Baltimore, and 
then early the next morning, very, very early, the big bay boat 
splashed down the Chesapeake to Cambridge where Governor 
Harrington was spending the week-end. 

" It's good of you to come," the Governor greeted me. " Not 
good of me, but necessary. Governor^ to let you know how much 


women need a special session in Maryland, now. Not just the 
15,000 Maryland women of our organization who have asked 
me to come to you, but all the women in the United States." 
" Ah ! " said he. " You ladies are too impatient. We will have 
a regular session in January, why can't you wait till then ? " 
" Because," I answered, " there is no need of prolonging the 
struggle. We have the necessary thirty-six States in view. We 
want the special session so that we can vote for the next Governor 
of^Maryland at the election this November, and for members of 
our legislature at the same election." " But the question of 
expense," he suggested. " That is easily eliminated," I said. 
" Take Kansas, for example, where the legislators waived all 
pay and mileage in order to push forward ratification. Surely 
our Maryland men will do the same. And, anyhow, two days at 
the outside would see the thing through. Think of the taxes 
women have paid for so many years. Think of the war for 
Democracy, think of the part women gave in human sacrifice, 
service and money, and then tell me if anybody would say that 
a special session called for the purpose of giving them a voice 
in their government would take too much out of the State treas- 
ury." " That's true," said the Governor, " but special sessions are 
unpopular, and suppose the resolution should fail— — " " Oh ! " 
~I said with a beaming smile of relief, "if what you want is 
a convincing poll, I'll give you that," thinking of the poll which, 
though still not yet completed, already showed a majority pledged 
in both Houses. " Next Tuesday," said he. " Now," said I. 
It was then Friday. But the Governor said Tuesday, and told 
me that in the meantime he was going to " feel around " for 
sentiment. And so did I. 

First I went to a State Senator. " Why the special session.^ " 
he wanted to know. And when he found the thirty-six States 
were in view, he sat up. " The thing is upon us," he said. We 
went over the situation from the political point of view from be- 
ginning to end. He was a Democrat. " And," said he in a low 
voice, " if I had to bet on the fall elections, I'd — ^well, all I 
have to say is, if the Democrats want to get any credit, it'll have 
to be by special session." 

"Will you say that to the Governor?" I asked. 

" I will, tonight," he said, " and as for the question of ex- 
pense, I for one, will waive my pay." Just then the train 
whistled. " You can't make it," said the Senator. " We are 
some distance from the station." " I must," I said. " I have to 
see another man." 

The Senator laughed and called to a man in an automobile and 


away I whisked and the conductor helped me to hop on the train 
as it moved off. 

The man at the other end was in Chicago. And the next train 
was due in six hours. Then on to a little town where I sat on a 
pile of baggage and waited until the Republican delegate arrived. 
" I hope," he said, " that the Republicans will take the initia- 
tive and ask for a special session. Yes, you bet, I'll waive my 

There a Democrat, who said he would fight a special session to 
a finish. " Knowing what it will mean to your Party if you do? " 
I asked. We went into it from the political viewpoint. Then 
he saw the end in sight. We carefully went over the thirty-six 
States. He rubbed his head and looked at the opposite wall (or it 
may have been the State of Maryland he was gazing at so in- 
tently). " You know," he said finally, " I am an anti-Suffragist 
at heart, but at the same time I am no fool. The thing is here, 
and the point is, what is the best thing to do about it. I will not 
urge a special session, but I will not fight it." 

Then on Tuesday, Mrs. Donald Hooker, our Maryland Chair- 
man, went over the poll with the Governor. Man by man, they 
considered the delegates and senators. Yes, this one was sure, 
that one was practically sure but wasn't pledged and so we 
wouldn't count him yet, another was hopeful, another was hope- 
less, and the then uncompleted poll stood fifty-nine to thirty- 
eight in the House and thirteen to eleven in the Senate. We 
looked expectantly at the Governor. " I need more time to 
consider," was what he said. 

" In the meantime," said Mrs. Hooker to me as we went out, 
" we will complete the poll as fast as possible. A big majority 
will surely convince him that it must go through." 

So off to Southern Maryland and the counties around Wash- 
ington. One legislator I found in Washington in a big, cool 
office, dressed in a Palm Beach suit and on the point of depart- 
ing for a vacation. I looked at him and thought of canoes and 
bathing suits which had been shoved aside for me till after the 
special session. " I hope you will have a good time," I told him, 
" Mine will come after you have voted ' yes.' " He smiled hap- 
pily and his reply made me smile happily too. 

One man was in his wheat field. 'Way into the country we 
went by automobile where no trains ran and no electric cars 
penetrated. We r'eached the town and inquired at the hardware 

store for our legislator: " Mr. F ? Oh, he don't live here, 

he just has his mail sent here, he lives 'bout fo'teen mile round 
yonder." " Fo'teen mile round yonder," we finally found his 


home.^ " Well, you see it's this way," explained his wife. " He 
might've been home, but Mr. So-and-So is thrashing wheat and 
my husband went over to help him get it in before the storm." 
We noticed clouds in the sky. We went on to the So-and-Sos' 
farm. At the farmhouse, we all alighted. My companions im- 
mediately made for the chicken yard where they made friends 
with Mrs. So-and-So and helped her to feed the chickens. After- 
ward, they told us of the strong Suffrage speech the farmer's 
wife had made to them, who being the mother of eight children — 
six girls and two boys — ^had come to the conclusion that nobody 
needed Suffrage more than the farmer's wife. Two of the little 
girls took me out to the field, up a dusty white road we walked, 
climbed rail fences and — oh! how good! picked a few black- 
berries — and came at last to the thrashing field. " No," said my 
man, " I can't see that Suffrage is right, and I can't therefore 
vote for it." " Did you think the war was right .-' " I asked. 
"Oh! of course." "And why did we go to war.!"' I asked. 
" To get democracy," he answered. " Exactly," I said. " And 
President Wilson said that democracy was 'the right of all 
those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own govern- 
ment.' " " Now look here, Missie," said my friend, " I believe 
women are superior beings to men, and if they were to vote, 
they'd have to be equals. Now look at this hay stack. You 

could no more pitch hay than " " Will you lend me your 

fork? " I asked. I stuck in the form, gave it the peculiar little 
twist, then the little flop, squared my shoulder and up it went 
on the wagon. Three times. " Well, I'll be jiggered," laughed 
the legislator, " labor is scarce and now I'U know where to look 
for help when I need it ! " " Yes," said I. " And we have 
come to you for help. We need your vote." 

On to the next, we climbed into the machine and sped away. 

And so it runs. Sometimes, we strike an obstinate anti who 
will not even listen to what we have to say, even though I have 
traveled weary miles in trains and on foot to find him. Some- 
times we have to put up at a funny little village hotel because an 
inconsiderate legislator has gone out of town for a day. Some- 
times they are cordial, and offer all sorts of help. Sometimes 
the road lies through beautiful country, occasionally in hot, 
stuffy little towns. At fastest, it is slow work. Why do legis- 
lators live so far apart and in such inaccessible places? And 
generally so very far from anything to eat! Some evenings as 
it begins to grow dark, I am keenly aware that I have had nothing 
to eat since breakfast. But that is part of the game, and after 
all wkat does it matter when I can write to Headquarters before 


I fall into bed, " We can add the following names of legislators 
to the list of pledged, and all of them have offered to waive their 
pay." So far only one has refused to waive pay. 

So, with a big majority in both houses pledged to vote for the 
measure, there remains nothing but the calling of the special 
session. This, it is up to Governor Harrington to do at once. 

And this; according to the following answer to Attorney- 
General Palmer's letter, he still refuses to do. Yet the Governor 
must surely yet see the light, as he knows that there IS no ques- 
tion of defeat if a special session is called to ratify. 

The poll which has been so carefully and accurately drawn 
up demonstrates that fact most convincingly, and we are going 
to keep right on working until Governor Harrington sees it 
that way! 

Maryland defeated ratification later. 

Owing to the fact that most of the governors who must 
call special sessions were Republicans, the National Woman's 
Party made a drive on the national Republican leaders to 
get them to act upon these governors. On August 14, Abby 
Scott Baker went to the Governors' Conference at Salt Lake 
City where, assisted by Louise Garnett, State Chairman of 
the Woman's Party in Utah, she succeeded in getting gover- 
nors whose Legislatures had already ratified to organize an 
informal committee to work upon those whose Legislatures 
had not ratified. ISome of these governors of these back- 
ward States — or rather some of the backward governors of 
these States — made tentative promises in regard to special 
sessions, but these promises were so vague that Mrs. Baker 
started, at the close of the Governors' Conference, to Cali- 
fornia. We shall hear about her work there later. 

Minnesota ratified on September 8; New Hampshire on 
September 10, both in special session. Utah — but there is a 
story about Utah. 

Utah was backward. Alice Paul interested Isaac Russell, 
a newspaper man, and a native of Utah, in the situation. He 
prevailed upon Senator Smoot, Republican, to write a letter 
to Alice Paul saying that he was disappointed that Governor 
Banberger, Democrat, was not calling a special session. 


Alice Paul gave this letter to the Press, and of course, the 
Republican papers of Utah carried it. Alice Paul waited 
a while and then she sent Anita Pollitzer to see the Demo- 
cratic Congressmen from Utah, and to put it clearly to them 
that the responsibility for the delay was on their Party. As 
a i^esult of Miss PoUitzer's representations, Congressman 
Welling, a Democrat and a friend of Governor Banberger, 
wrote a strong telegram to him in which he urged him to set 
the date of a special session at once. Early the next morn- 
ing, Congressman Welling telephoned Headquarters that 
the telegram had brought results and read a message from 
Governor Banberger announcing the date on which he 
would call that special session. Utah ratified on Septem- 
ber 30. 

In the meantime, we must go back to Abby Scott Baker, 
whom we left on her way to California. She found that an 
enormous amount of work had been done by Genevieve Allen, 
the State Chairman for California, and by the members of 
her organization, assisted by Vivian Pierce, a national or- 
ganizer. Governor Stevens, however, seemed immovable on 
the subject of a special session. But with additional assist- 
ance from Mrs. William Kent, one of its national officers, 
the Woman's Party inaugurated a vigorous newspaper 
campaign. Governor Stevens found himself inundated by an 
avalanche of telegrams, letters, petitions, resolutions; and 
finally of entreaties of the men who surrounded him. Gov- 
ernor Stevens is a Republican, and the Democratic women 
began to organize for ratification. Senator Phelan, Demo- 
crat, gave them his assistan<ie. National leaders of both 
Parties brought pressure to bear. It was impossible to 
resist this current. Governor Stevens issued a call for a 
special session for November 1, and on that date California 


The Woman's Party refers to Maine as the first close call. 
This story is very interesting. Maine called a special ses- 
sion, but Maine was, so to speak, on the fence in regard 
to Suffrage, as, when the National Woman's Party ap- 


proached the State on the subject of ratification, a referen- 
dum on Presidential Suffrage was pending. So important 
was the situation there that Alice Paul joined Mrs. Lawrence 
Lewis and Mrs. Robert Treat Whitehouse, the State Chair- 
man, who were working hard. In Maine, too, the antis were 
troublesome. They managed to introduce a resolution in 
the Legislature proposing postponement on the subject of 
ratification until after the referendum. The President and 
Secretary of the State Federation of Labor sent an official 
appeal to the Legislature to vote for this resolution. Imme- 
diately the Woman's Party in Washington obtained a letter 
from Secretary Morrison of the American Federation of 
Labor to the Maine Federation, stating that the A. F. of L. 
stood strongly for ratification. Mrs. Whitehouse gave this 
letter to the newspapers ; gave copies to every member of the 
Legislature. She conferred with the President of the State 
Federation, persuaded him to repudiate his former letter and 
to issue an appeal for the support of ratification. National 
leaders of both the Democratic and Republican Parties sent 
telegrams to legislators. Maine ratified on November 5 — ^by 
a narrow margin of four votes. 

After a long siege by the Woman's Party on the Governor, 
North Dakota ratified, in special session on December 1. 

In the case of South Dakota, Governor Norbeck agreed 
to call a special session of the Legislature if the majority 
of the members would serve without mileage. Late in Novem- 
ber, Alice Paul received a telegram from Governor Norbeck 
saying that the session would not be called as he was sixteen 
answers short of a majority who were willing to serve with- 
out expense to the State. Alice Paul immediately sent Anita 
PoUitzer to the Capitol to see Senator Sterling of South 
Dakota. Miss Pollitzer showed him Governor Norbeck's 
telegram to Miss Paul and told him that the Suffragists 
would be greatly disappointed if the Republican Legislature 
of South Dakota refused to meet, and a Repuljlican Governor 
refuse to call a special session. He agreed that was a politi- 
cal mistake and in Miss PoUitzer's presence, sent telegrams 


to liis law partner, the chief politician of the State, telling 
him to do everything possible to have a special session called ; 
to the Chairman of the Republican State Committee, asking 
him to telegraph each member of the Legislature, urging him 
to answer the Governor's appeal and to agree to come to the 
special session as the Governor had stipulated, at his own 
expense. Examining this situation superficially — or even 
closely — one would think that Miss Pollitzer had done every- 
thing that was possible. But there is no reckoning with 
Alice Paul. When Miss Pollitzer returned to Headquarters, 
Miss Paul said simply, " We can do more." 

That afternoon Miss Pollitzer visited Mr. McCarl, the 
Secretary of the Republican Congressional Committee in 
Washington, who sent telegrams to all the Republican 
leaders in the State, urging that they make clear to the Re- 
publican Governor and to the members of the Legislature the 
importance tp the Republican Party of a good record on 
ratification. Three days later, a telegram came to' Wash- 
ington announcing that a majority, willing to serve at their 
own expense, bad been secured. South Dakota ratified on 
December 4*. 

Colorado, the last State to ratify in 1919, did so on De- 
cember 12 — ^but only after a long campaign, the result of 
local conditions. 

January of 1920, in which five States came into the fold, 
was a highly successful month for the ratification record. 
Rhode Island and Kentucky ratified in regular session on 
January 6. Oregon, whose Governor broke his promises many 
times, finally ratified in regular session on January 12. The 
State Chairman, Mrs. W. J. Hawkins, campaigned vigor- 
ously here, assisted by her State organization and Vivian 
Pierce, national organizer. Much equally vigorous work in 
Washington supplemented her. 

Indiana ratified January 16 in special session. 

Wyoming was the last of the five January States. For 
months. Governor Carey had refused to call a special session. 
He had been peculiarly obstinate at the Governors' Con- 


ference at Salt Lake City on August 14, where he had stated 
that he would not call a special session even if it were needed 
as the very last State. Wyoming, it should be remembered, 
was the pioneer Suifrage State. Representatives of the 
Woman's Party went at once to Wyoming. Mrs. Richard 
Wainwright, who was staying in the West, made it her special 
work to bring pressure on the Governor. Alice Paul sent 
Anita Pollitzer to the Capitol to talk with the Congressman 
and Senators from Wyoming. They said that circumstances 
had arisen which made it impossible foi^ them to ti'y to force 
the Governor. On the trolley car Miss Pollitzer met Frank 
Barrow, Secretary to Congressman Mondell, and asked him 
for help. He agreed to give it. Mr. Barrow had edited the 
Cheyenne Tribune, the leading Republican paper of the State, 
when Anita Pollitzer campaigned in Wyoming the year be- 
fore. He began urging that a special session be called and 
charged the Governor with hurting the Republican record on 
Suffrage. Immediately a statement appeared in the Press 
from the Governor, saying that he would call a special ses- 
sion, but not at the expense of the State ; that the men must 
come without pay or mileage. Wyoming is a huge State, 
and this was in January, a month of terrific snow storms. 
Unless extra political pressure was applied, the legislators 
might not come from far-away ranches at their own ex- 
pense. In the meantime, whenever politicians from Wyoming 
arrived in Washington, members of the Woman's Party saw 
them at once. Pferty members learned that a close political 
advisor of Governor Carey was going to spend one night in 
Washington. They called on him at his hotel and told him 
that the responsibility of all this delay lay squarely on the 
Republicans and on Governor Carey. He was highly indig- 
nant at the attitude of the Woman's Party and their Press 
campaign. Nevertheless, he said that the Governor was 
going to call a special session at once. 

It was necessary to bring extra political pressure to bear, 
so long as Governor Carey's request for a special session put 
it up to the members of 'the Legislature, themselves, whether 


they would attend that session. Anita Pollitzer went to the 
Capitol and got the political line-up from the political leaders. 
They divided the State into districts for her and told her 
who were the political bell-wethers of each district. With 
this information, Miss Pollitzer went to Dr. Simeon Fess, 
Chairman of the National Republican Congressional Com- 
mittee. Dr. Fess sent strong telegrams to every one of the 
Republican State leaders asking them to round up the legis- 
lators of their district, to see that they agreed to go to the 
special session at their own expense ; asked them for a reply ; 
told them he would wire again if a reply was not received. 

On January 27, both Houses of the Wyoming Legislature 
ratified unanimously. 

The Governor of Nevada, a Democrat, had refused to call 
a special session for many months because he was afraid that 
other measures besides Suffrage would be brought up; but 
after a long pressure brought upon him by the national Demo- 
cratic leaders, he was induced to call the session. Nevada 
ratified February 7. 

The next State in the ratification line was New Jersey, and 
New Jersey gave the Woman's Party a terrific fight. Mrs. 
J. J!^. H. Hopkins, Stfite Chairman, realized that with both 
the Republican and Democratic bosses opposed to Suffrage, 
New Jersey would never ratify unless the Woman's Party 
made it a matter of the greatest political importance to the 
majority Party — the Republican Party. She engineered the 
fight, assisted by Betty Gram and Catherine Flanagan. 

In Washington, Alice Paul sent Anita Pollitzer to Frank 
Barrow, Secretary to Congressman Mondell, who had assisted 
the Woman's Party so signally in the Wyoming campaign, 
and asked him to go to New Jersey. " But I could speak 
with no authority," he said, " and Mr. Mondell will need me 
here." Anita Pollitzer told him that the Woman's Party 
would attend to all those matters. She then went again to 
Dr. Fess, Chairman of the National Republican Congressional 
Committee, and told him that they were likely to lose New 
Jersey unless somebody was immediately sent from the Con- 


gressional Committee to assist. At once, Dr. Fess wrote a 
letter to Mr. Barrow authorizing him to go to New Jersey in 
behalf of the National Republican Congressional Committee. 
Miss Pollitzer next went to Senator Poindexter, Chairman of 
the National Republican Senatorial Committee, and told him 
that the Woman's Party wanted Mr. Barrow to go to New 
Jersey ; that Dr. Fess had asked him to urge ratification on 
behalf of the Republican Congressional Committee and that 
the Woman's Party wished him in addition to urge on behalf 
of the Republican Senatorial Committee. Senator Poin- 
dexter, thereupon, wrote a letter to Mr. Barrow authorizing 
him to go to New Jersey in behalf of the ratification of the 
Suffrage Amendment. 

Last of all. Miss Pollitzer went to Congressman Mondell 
and broke the news to him that the Woman's Party would 
like to commandeer his Secretary to go to New Jersey for as 
long a time as necessary, to work among Republicans for the 
ratification of Suffrage. Following an entirely natural im- 
pulse, Mr. Mondell said, " I am vitally interested in Suf- 
frage, but I must say I need my own secretary in Washing- 
ton ! " Miss Pollitzer of course represented to 'him how 
much it meant to the National Woman's' Party to have Mr. 
Barrow go — ^that it would take at the most only a week 
out of his work ; and that it might mean several years out of 
the lives of the women, if the Republicans allowed New Jersey 
to fail in ratification. She added that the responsibility was 
on him and got up to leave. Mr. Mondell said, " Tell Mr. 
Barrow to be in his office in ten minutes, as I shall want to 
see him there." Fifteen minutes later. Miss Pollitzer called 
on Mr. Barrow, who told her that Mr. Mondell had asked 
him to go to New Jersey. In a letter to Miss Paul, Mr. Bar- 
row listed the obstacles which he found in the way in the big 
New Jersey battle : 

1. The last Republican State platform on' which members of 
the legislature were elected, declared for a referendum. 

2. The Republican State Chairman was an open and avowed 


3. The biggest Republican boss in N. J. was actively hostile 
to the Suffrage movement. 

4. The biggest Democratic boss of N. J. was actively hostile 
to the Suffrage movement. 

5. The tremendous political influence exerted through the 
liquor interests was actively and openly working against them. 

New Jersey ratified on February 10. 
In regard to the New Jersey campaign, Betty Gram has 
a vivacious article in the Suffragist on March, 1920. 
She says : 

Miracles happen sometimes — but the ratification of the Suf- 
frage .^uendjnent on February 10th by the New Jersey Legis- 
lature was not the result of a miracle. 

Every organizer of the Woman's Party who had worked in the 
State whispered in my ear, " Don't try New Jersey — it will never 
ratify." It was therefore with reluctance that at the bidding of 
Miss Paul and Mrs. J. A. H. Hopkins, New Jersey State Chair- 
man, I invaded the territory of the enemy and went to Trenton, 
where on September 30th both the Republican and Democratic 
State platform committees were sitting. 

Despite all our efforts the Republicans that day in open con- 
vention under the . leadership of Republican State Chairman 
Edward Caspar Stokes, declared in favor of a referendum, 
though each individual who had given a pledge to his constituents 
to support the Suffrage Amendment was left free to do so. 

In significant contrast to this, the Democrats, holding con- 
vention just across the street, declared for immediate ratification. 
This was done upon the persistent demand of the Democratic 
candidate for governor, Edward I. Edwards, at the . probable 
cost of the support of the most influential Democratic boss in 
the State, James R. Nugent, who in open convention fought the 
issue bitterly and pledged his twelve Essex County Assembly 
candidates against immediate ratification. They ran on that 


We watched the election returns on November 4th with acute 
anxiety. It was a critical point, for we had much to gain and 
everything to lose. The decision brought joy in one respect. 
Edwards, a Suffrage governor, was victorious, but alas! the re- 
sult showed that the Republicans, who had adopted the referen- 
dum plank in their platform, had carried the Le^slature. They 
had a majority in the Senate of fifteen to six and in the Assembly 


of tkitty-thiee to twenty-seven — and among the twenty-seven 
Democratic members were the twelve Nugent men from Essex. 

We had only a fighting chance at best — but we set about the 
task resolutely. As usual, the first duty was to obtain an 
authentic report of the position of each newly elected man. We 
had secured pre-primary pledges from the fifteen Edwards 
Democrats, as well as a few from some staunch Suffragists on 
the Republican side, but only a very few, for not only was 
their State Chairman opposed, but the Republican boss of South 
Jersey — former Senator Davis Baird, whom we knew would 
fight us to the end — ^through his tremendous influence. 

In a few days our poll was completed. The Senate showed a 
bare but safe majority of one, for there we needed eleven votes. 
In the House our poll was much less encouraging. We needed 
thirty-one votes out of sixty — and we could count only twenty- 
five positive yeas. Where and how to get the six more sup- 
porters out of a Republican opposition was the bewildering — 
almost stupefying question. Political pressure — both national 

and local ^was the one way out. The time had passed for 

meetings at which to arouse sentiment of constituents — only pres- 
sure of the most intimate nature would move a vote to our side. 

We first set about to choose our leaders in the respective 
houses. We wanted wide-awake, active militants — parliamen- 
tarians who would not demand the assurance of the usual excess 
number of votes before moving ; men who would take up the fight 
eagerly, revel in the chance of victory, and with odds against 
them enter enthusiastically into a neck to neck race. 

At a diimer given by the National Woman's Party at Newark 
on December 10th we accomplished our purpose — Senator Wm. 
B. MacKay, Republican, made an impassioned speech, publicly 
accepting the responsibility of leading our forces in the upper 
House. At this same dinner the newly chosen speaker-elect of 
the Assembly, W. Irving Glover, Republican, pledged his un- 
equivocal support and straightforwardly stated that he would do 
all in his power to bring New Jersey into the line of ratified 
States. The happiest moment of the evening arrived when Re- 
publican majority leader of the House, Harry Hershfield, made 
known his position on the Suffrage issue and expressed his desire 
that New Jersey ratify. Great applause greeted his words that 
the backbone of opposition had been broken and that he antici- 
pated victory and would exert every influence to that end. The 
day after the dinner, Mr. Hershfield permitted to be given out 
from our Headquarters a statement declaring that he would lead 
the fight in the House. 


The next day I went to Washington. The interest of the two 
United States Senators from New Jersey as well as the Congress- 
men had to be recruited. Soon letters and telegrams were pour- 
ing into the State from Washington. The resolution passed 
unanimously by the Republican National Committee in Washing- 
ton on December 10th did much to strengthen our position and 
before long the importance of the issue from a national stand- 
point began to dawn on the vision of some New Jersey Repub- 

The situation took on a more hopeful aspect — a few finishing 
touches only were needed — ^but just whose magic touch to summon 
was the problem. 

We were at a standstill. Two votes were still needed to reach 
the required thirty-one. Then something happened. 

Inauguration day came and with it the tactical error of the 
opposition which acted as a boomerang and assured the House 
majority leader his position as head of his party. It gave into 
our hands the strategic parliamentary advantage — which we had 
coveted and desired for so long. An unexpected resolution 
calling for a referendum on all constitutional amendments, in- 
cluding pending ones, wedged in among routine measures, was 
surreptitiously introduced on Inauguration Day by Assemblyman 
Coles of Camden and by a viva voce vote passed before more 
than fifteen members knew what had happened. Twelve Nugent 
men from Essex and three Baird men from Camden were re- 
sponsible for the railroading through of this resolution. This 
act of course was a planned and deliberately malicious thrust 
at Suffrage. 

The House adjourned and the anti-Suffragists believe they 
had scored a point. The reckoning came later. Editorials ap- 
peared in papers all over the State denouncing such methods. 
On the following Monday the House reconsidered the Coles' 
resolution with a vote of forty-four to thirteen — and we pro- 
ceeded with our fight. The ratification resolution was introduced 
immediately after and sent to the Federal Relations Com- 
mittee, which was favorable to our measure — four to one. 
The referendum resolution had gone to the same com- 

Then the problem came of getting our resolution reported out 
first. We did not have a sufficient number of votes to hazard the 
chance of having the referendum resolution considered before 
ours, though some of our supporters preferred this procedure. 
A conference of leaders was called, to which I summoned Miss 
Paul, for the political leaders had had little comparative experi- 


ence in handling constitutional amendments, 'whU.e she had 
sponsored ratification in two dozen States. 

A hearing before the committee was held on February 2nd. 
Our State Chairman, Mrs. Hopkins, and United States Senator 
Selden Spencer of Missouri, who came from Washington, made 
splendid appeals for Suffrage. That evening our resolution 
passed the Senate eighteen to two as a result of the Republicans 
having caucused in its support, after an appeal had been made 
to them to do so by Senator Spencer. There was no dissenting 
Democratic vote in the upper House. That same evening the 
House rejected the minority report of the Committee and ac- 
cepted the favorable majority report on our measure. It was 
voted to a second reading and made the first order of business for 
Monday evening, February 9th. 

That same week influenza seized various members of the Legis- 
lature alnd four of our most ardent supporters were ill. Their 
absence meant defeat. Every day we anxiously inquired after 
their welfare. For a time it seemed we would never have our 
thirty-one yeas together. 

The day before the vote the National Republican Senatorial 
and Congressional committees sent a representative, Mr. Frank 
Barrow, from Washington to our aid. He worked with the doubt- 
ful Republican members. 

At last the long looked-for moment arrived. At eight o'clock 
on Monday evening the Legislature which was either to reject or 
accept the ratification resolution convened. 

The fight began with opposing men as aggressors and soon one 
resolution after another was being rushed to the speaker's desk 
as a subterfuge of delay. Roll calls were asked on each and 
every occasion, and as we strained our ears for the yeas and nays 
we received each time a shock at the transference of a vote. A 
^roU call to postpone lacked only one of the necessary thirty-one 

Debate lasted imtil one o'clock Tuesday morning — five hours of 
continuous fiery combat — and then a motion to move the previous 
question fell like a pall on the troubled assembly. With trem- 
bling, tired hands we turned to our last spotless roll call and 
began to mark the records of men on the sands of time. Clear 
and decisive came the yeas — inaudible and slow came the nays, 
and after them all the called, " Joint resolution number one 
adopted — ^thirty-four to twenty-four." 

Silence followed for long seconds and then the wild, almost 
hysteric cheers of women reverberated through the halls. Never 
had there been such a demonstration of joy in the New Jersey 


Capitol and out of the galleries poured countless smiling women — 
bearing banners of victory, to take their places among the liber- 
ated peoples. 

Idaho, which ratified on February 11; Arizona on Feb- 
ruary 12; New Mexico on February 19; Oklahoma on 
February 27 did so only after a struggle, but their cases 
were special only in detail. 

In the meantime, there had been two January defeats, 
Mississippi and South Carolina ; two February defeats, Vir- 
ginia for the second time, and Maryland. • 

West Virginia, which came into the fold on March 10, 
presents to ratification another dramatic story. I quote an 
article by Mary Dubrow, in the April Suffragist. 

They are all true — the old adages about pride and falls, 
boasters who forget to rap on wood, chickens and hatchings — 
West Virginia proved it. 

Last August the card catalogue files carefully compiled by 
Maud Younger, Legislative Chairman of the Woman's Party, 
showed an overwhelming majority for ratification in the West 
Virginia legislature. To check up on this poU, a member of 
the Legislature took another and discovered the same over- 
whelming majority. Our National Headquarters kept in touch 
with the situation until the special session was called. 

The West Virginia delegation in Congress, the Democratic 
governor of the State, and the Republican National Committee- 
man, all alike expressed certainty of ratification. 

As I left for West Virginia I confided to every one I met how 
chappy I was to go to a State which would probably ratify 
unanimously, and every leading citizen I interviewed for the 
first four days confirmed my expectation. 

Then the legislators began to assemble at the Kanawha Hotel, 
the political center of Charleston, I had their written pledges 
and I approached them more to exchange pleasant anticipations 
of victory than for any other purpose, and my fall began — a 
gradual inch-by-inch fall. The first man I met said: "Well, I 
haven't been here very long and I don't know just how I will 
vote. You see our great State voted Suffrage down by a ma- 
jority of " And the second man said the same thing, and 

the third repeated the remark. 

Then the splendid men who were leading our fight and who 
were standing staunch came to me with appalling reports of the 


wavering of this one and that one. It was an opposition stam- 
pede — nothing less. 

I hurriedly told the Washington Headquarters the situation 
and the National Bepublican Senatorial Committee was prevailed 
upon to send a representative, Mr. Frank Barrow, to West Vir- 
ginia to urge the Republicans in the Legislature to remember 
their Party and vote for ratification. 

Our chairman in West Virginia, Mrs. William Gay Brown, a 
staunch Democrat, conferred with the Democrats and made them 
appreciate their responsibility. Miss Anita Pollitzer, legislative 
secretary of the Woman's Party working in Washington, con- 
vinced Senator Sutherland that his State could not afford to 
defeat the Amendment. 

We re-polled the House of Delegates and one hour before the 
vote was taken in that body on March 4 we knew we had forty 
votes and the opposition had forty-one, and that there were six 
members who would tell neither friend, enemy, nor Party leader 
how they stood — the silent six they were called. 

In the Senate we were certain of fourteen both ways. But 
the Republican leaders were sure they could get one more. Some 
of them were even sure they could get three ! Senator Harmer, 
who led the fight in the Senate and who is one of the best par- 
liamentarians in the State, nevertheless was not for allowing 
ratification to come to a vote. 

The vote was taken-^and the clerk announced it — " fourteen 
to fourteen." Senator Harmer saved the situation by changing 
his vote and making reconsideration possible. The Senate ad- 
journed. It was the turn of the House. When the debate began 
speeches were tossed from man to man like balls in a game, and 
never for four hours was there a moment of silence in the House. 
At six o'clock the vote was taken. Forty-six men, in the face of 
the action of the Senate, stood sound — not as Republicans, not 
as Democrats, but as Suffragists, every one of the silent six 
voting for us. 

With the announcement of the tie in the Senate, national 
leaders who had paid no attention to our repeated warnings of 
peril sprang into action. Representative Fess, Chairman of the 
Republican Congressional Committee, immediately' wired the 
following telegram to Republicans: 

" Can not overestimate importance from Party standpoint of 
Republican legislature West Virginia ratification and desire to 
maintain this position. Any attempt substitute referendum 
would be grave mistake. Can we count on your active and imme- 
diate aid ? " 


Senator Poindexter, Chairman of the Republican Senatorial 
Committee, told of the situation by leaders in Washington, sent 
the following message: 

" Republican Senatorial Committee is deeply concerned over 
result of Suffrage vote in your Senate. We count on West Vir- 
gihia's ratification. Republican Party has pioneered every fight 
for Suffrage and every State where Republicans had control of 
the Legislature has ratified. Party will be greatly embarrassed if 
West Virginia breaks that most gratifying record through failure 
to co-operate with us in this critical time." 

Senator Capper and Senator Kendrick likewise sent messages 
urging the Republicans to reconsider this fatal step. 

Senator Owen, Senator Walsh, and Attorney General Palmer, 
Secretary Daniels and Secretary Baker all used every effort to 
make it a Democratic victory. 

As a climax to all this, the President himself, realizing that 
one Democratic vote could save the situation, sent every opposed 
Democratic member of the Senate a telegram urging him to cast 
the deciding vote. If we could not obtain one vote from this 
pressure, there was only one chance left to us. 

Senator Bloch, who was wintering in California, had asked 
to be paired for Suffrage. The opposition refused to consider 
his request and no pressure could obtain from the opposed Sena- 
tors this ordinary Senatorial courtesy. A long-distance call was 
put ip for Senator Bloch in San Francisco. That night he started 

Now came the test of all our resources and of the loyalty 
of our friends, and I do not believe that any stauncher loyalty 
has been displayed by any group of men in the whole ratification 
campaign than by the fourteen Suffrage senators of the West 
Virginia Legislature. 

For five days these fourteen men had to wait in Charleston 
while the fifteenth vote crossed the continent. Every day they 
held conferences and buoyed one another up, while Betty Gram, 
who had been sent from Washington to help in the campaign, and 
I hovered round about trying, with radiant cheerfulness, to instill 
into every one the feeling: " Senator Block is on his way and all 
is well with the world." Telegraphic despatches constantly ar- 
rived saying Senator Block was in New Mexico or Omaha or some 
other remote place that gradually grew nearer. 

Our enemies once more began their attack in the House. The 
opposition tried to reconsider and were beaten ; tried a referendum 
and were beaten; tried to prevent consideration from being 
tabled and were beaten. Nevertheless, all of the delegates of 


the lower House had to be held in Charleston as well as the 
Senators. One man got as far as his comfortable seat in the 
train, but we heard that he had bought a ticket. I took a taxi- 
cab. Miss Gram and Mrs. PufEenbarger, Chairman of the Wom- 
an's Committee of West Virginia, took another. We arrived 
simultaneously and that bewildered delegate was rushed off the 
train and back to his less comfortable seat in the Capitol. 

At one time it looked as if we could not get enough votes to 
recess from day to day until Senator Bloch arrived, and our 
friends prepared for continuous session. They carried pillows 
in their hands and playing-cards in their pockets, and we on the 
outside had our arrangements made for relaying them sandwiches 
and coffee. It was the opposition that weakened in the face 
of this ordeal. 

Then came Monday, the day set for Mr. Bloch's arrival and 
suddenly a senator disappeared. We thought that he had been ab- 
ducted. His thirteen Suffrage colleagues rushed about searching 
for him. Miss Gram and I walked the streets, even daring to 
peer into barber-shop windows. 

At last the mystery was solved. He had gone home and was 
delayed by a blizzard. 

The Senate did not convene until he reappeared at 2: 50 and 
saved the situation. 

And then Senator Bloch arrived — one man alone in two coaches 
bouncing behind an engine that broke the world record for speed. 
He had chosen the special train rather than the airplane that 
was put at his disposal by the Republicans, but, as he said him- 
self, he was traveling in the air most of the way to Charleston. 
As he got off the train, pale but smiling, he was grasping his 
golf sticks desperately in one hand and a thermos bottle of coffee 
in the other. And at 2 : 40 a.m., when his private train pulled in, 
the town was out to meet him. 

While the senator tried to catck his breath, he gave this state- 
ment to the press: 

" The fourteen men who have so splendidly held together until 
my arrival deserve all the credit for the victory which we hope 
to gain tomorrow." 

Even then our victory was won as by a miracle, for while we 
brought our vote from California, the anti-Suffragists were also 
bringing a senator more quietly from Peoria, 111. Senator Mont- 
gomery, who had, moved out of the State and resigned from the 
Senate, was persuaded to come back and attempt to regain his 
seat. But one of the opposition whom it had happened by chance 
Senator Montgomery had told personally of Ms resignation, re- 


fuped to dishonor himself by voting to reseat even a member of 
his own Party under these conditions, and the day was saved 
again for the women of America. 

The last Western State — ^Washington — ratified on 
March 22. 

Thirty-five States had now accepted the Susan B. Anthony 
Amendment. One more and it would become part of the Con- 
stitution. However, that last State, every one knew, would 
be hard to get. The chances looked brightest in Delaware 
and the Woman's Party concentrated all its energies there. 

Ratification was brought up twice in Delaware, the first 
time on April 1 and the second time on May 5. The fight 
was an intensive one, but it failed. This campaign had a 
quality of picturesqueness given to it by its tnise en scene — 
the open square where the State House stands. Dover Green 
is surrounded by charming colonial houses with a beautiful 
colonial Capitol dominating them. Here, when the news came 
from Philadelphia of the signing of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, a crowd burned the picture of King George — 
" Compelled by strong necessity, thus we destroy even the 
shadow of that King who refused to reign over a free people." 
The ancient whipping-post still stands in a yard adjoin- 
ing the State House. A log cabin, which was put up fifty 
years ago, is still used as a lawyer's oflSce. The Suffragist 
noted the fact that a yoke of oxen, drawing a plow in the 
ancient way, had been seen near Dover when the ratification 
campaign was going on. This accumulation of historic at- 
mosphere added its subtle weight to the regret of the Suf- 
fragists when Delaware failed them. 

Against highly organized opposition, the Suffragists began 
work in Delaware. Florence Bayard Hilles, State Chairman, 
conducted this important fight. She had the assistance of 
six national organizers: Mary Dubrow, Anita PoUitzer, 
Catherine Flanagan, Betty Gram, Vivian Pierce, Elsie Hill ; 
of Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, National Ratification Chairman; 
of Mabel Vernon, National Secretary of the Woman's Party. 
Ultimately Alice Paul joined them. This able group pro- 


duced a triumph of Suffrage ratification in the Senate on 
May 6. The vote was eleven to six. In the usual course 
of events, the ratification measure would have gone, after 
the Senate passed it, to the House. The votes necessary to 
pass it in the House were not forthcoming. The Legislature 

The Woman's Party used the interval Until May 17 when 
the Legislature reconvened to wage a campaign against their 
opponents, by means of petitions, mass-meetings, and appeals 
to State leaders. President de Valera, Frank Walsh, and 
other champions of Irish freedom used their influence with 
the four Irish members of the Lower House. The American 
Federation of Labor also helped in this campaign. On 
June 2, when it became evident that the Republicans in this 
strongly Republican Legislature, would not ratify. President 
Wilson asked the Democrats to give their aid. The Presi- 
dent's telegram ran: 

May I not' as a Democrat express my deep interest in the Suf- 
frage Amendment, and my judgment that it will be of the greatest 
service to the Party if every Democrat in the Delaware Legisla- 
ture should vpte for it. 

Delaware had been the first to ratify the Constitution of 
the United States but it failed to ratify this second great 
instrument of freedom. 

For two months the Delaware members of the Republican 
Party had delayed the ratification of the Amendment. In 
spite of repeated appeals to them, the Republican national 
leaders refused to give the necessary support to assure vic- 
tory in that State. 

On May 18, Will H. Hays, Chairman of the Republican 
Party, spoke at the Hotel Willard, Washington, to women 
especially selected because of their wealth — in the hope that 
they would answer an appeal for funds for the support of 
the Republican Party. As each member of the audience took 
her seat, she found on her chair a slip which read in effect, 


" For the use of the Republican National Committee, I here- 
with enclose a check for $1,000," 

When Mr. Hays arose from his seat, Elsie Hill, well known 
as a national organizer of the Woman's Party, arose from 
hers. As he started to speak, she said, " Before you ask us 
to support the Republican Party, Mr. Hays, won't you tell 
us what the Republican Party is going to do about ratifica- 
tion in Delaware? " 

The Chairman immediately intervened. " I _am sure Mr. 
Hays, if he has time in the course oi his remarks, will answer 
that." Instantly Sue White, one of the State chairmen, 
arose and demanded that the question be answered at once. 
Mr. Hays apparently did not hear. He moved to the front 
of the platform, opened his lips to speak. Immediately 
Benigna Green E!alb, a well-known member of the Woman's 
Party, arose and said, " Mr. Hays, women will not give 
money for the next elections until they know whether or not 
they are going to vote in them. In Delaware, Connecticut, 
and Vermont the Republican Party can answer t^iat 

Mr. Hays said, " I suppose I may as well take this matter 
up at once. My dear ladies, if any one of you know any- 
thing whatever about practical politics, you would know that 
we do not carry Legislatures around in our pockets. Why 
don't you go to Delaware and work for Suffrage.? " 

Instantly Anita PoUitzer was on her feet. " I have been 
working in Delaware, Mr. Hays, for six months. The legis- 
lators of Delaware seem to think that the Republican Party 
can do something about Suffrage in that State. Some of the 
leading Republicans of the Lower House telephoned to me 
last night and asked, 'What are the national Republican 
leaders going to do about this dead-lock here?'" 

Mr. Hays attempted explanation; apology; prophecy. 
" Every Republican hopes that Delaware will ratify. Some 
one of the remaining States will be intelligent enough to act 
between now and election time. I feel sure women will vote 
in the next elections." 


Abby Scott Baker interposed, " Mr. Hays, why are you 
sure women will vote in the next elections? If the Repub- 
lican Party cannot persuade the Republican Legislature of 
Delaware to ratify, can it persuade the Republican gover- 
nors of Connecticut and Vermont to call special sessions, or 
are you depending upon the Democratic States to enfranchise 
the women to whom your Party is now appealing for funds ? " 

Woman after woman arose and brought up the matter of 
Delaware. Mr. Hays' speech was rapidly disappearing be- 
fore the onslaught. He had spoken on nothing but Suf- 
frage. Many of the audience liked the interruptions no 
better than Mr. Hays. They groaned and hissed. But the 
Suffragists kept on. Edith Ainge spoke. Elsie HiU arose 
for a second time and a third. Finally, definitely enraged, 
Mr. Hays accused her of being a Democratic woman who 
had come to interrupt his meeting. Miss Hill replied, " My 
father was for twenty years Republican Congressman from 
Connecticut and for several years ranking member of the 
Ways and Means Committee." 

Mr. Hays talked for nearly five minutes after this last 
interruption. He slid off the subject of Delaware. He pro- 
gressed as far away as Abraham Lincoln. Lucy Branham 
arose to bring his mind back to Delaware. Mr. Hays was 

saying, " The great Republican leaders of the past ^" 

and his hands were uplifted to emphasize his statement. 
Glancing down between them, his gaze was attracted by Miss 
Branham's movement. " Not now, young lady, not now," 
he commanded, or suggested, or perhaps begged. Miss 
Branham bore up the aisle. Neither Mr. Hays' gesture nor 
sentence completed itself. " In conclusion," he said, " I de- 
sire to state that the few women who are about to be 

enfranchised could do no better " Mr. Hays' conclusion 

merged with air. 

In the meantime, the anti-Suffragists in Ohio had brought 
a suit attacking the validity of the Ohio ratification on the 
ground that the State of Ohio had the initiative and 


referendum on all acts by the State Legislature and there- 
fore must have it on ratification, if it were demanded by 
petition. They therefore demanded a referendum on the 
ratification of SufiFrage. The Woman's Party contested this 
suit, engaging the following counsel : Shippen Lewis, George 
Wharton Pepper, and William Draper L,ewis. It went 
through the Courts of Ohio to the Supreme Court of the 
United States, which sustained the validity of the Ohio rati- 

The Republican Convention began on June 8 in Chicago. 
Delaware — whose Legislature and Governor were Repub- 
lican — ^had just defeated ratification. There were only two 
other States from which it seemed possible at this time to 
obtain final ratification — ^Vermont and Connecticut. There 
were, to be sure, two other States which had not acted on 
the Amendment — ^Florida and Tennessee. But there were 
clauses in their constitutions which provided that an election 
must occur between the submission of an Amendment and its 
ratification. The fact that both Vermont and Connecticut 
were Republican put the responsibility of finishing up ratifi- 
cation on the Republicans. As repeated appeals to the 
National Republican leaders had failed to induce them to 
bring sufficient pressure on the Republican governors of Ver- 
mont and Connecticut, the Suffragists felt that it was neces- 
sary to make a stronger protest than hitherto they had 
exerted against this Republican inaction. They therefore 
decided to picket the Republican National Convention. The 
first day of the Convention, Mabel Vernon led a long white- 
clad line of women, carrying lettered' banners and the 
purple, white, and gold tri-color, from the Woman's Party 
Headquarters to the Coliseum, directly opposite, where the 
Convention was held. They marched across the street and 
took up their brilliant tri-color stand at intervals against 
its dull walls. 

Mary Ingham bore a banner which said: 


Doris Stevens' banner read: 


Mrs. H. O. Havemeyer's banner said: 




Mrs. M. Toscan Bennett's banner said : 






This banner was also carried by Catherine Flanagan and 
Lou Daniels. 

These banners were held during the first. two days of the 
Convention. On the third day, each of thirty women car- 
ried a new banner : 


This quotation from Susan B. Anthony also appeared on 
the picket line : 


— Susan B. Anthony in 1872 and 1894, 


A favorite banner was : 


These banners were typical ; many others appeared. ' 
During the course of the Convention the Republicans in- 
serted the following plank in their platform: 

We welcome women into full participation in the affairs of 
government and the activities of the Republican Party. We 
earnestly hope that Republican legislatures in States which have 
not yet acted upon the Suffrage Amendment will ratify the 
Amendment to the end that all of the women of the nation of 
voting age may participate in the election of 1920, which is so 
important to the welfare of our country. 

On the last day, therefore, a group of pickets hung, from 
the balcony in the Convention hall, facing the speakers plat- 
form, a banner which was the answer to this ratification 
plank. It read: 




The effect of all this was that instant and urgent pressure 
to call special sessions was brought on the Republican gov- 
ernors of Vermont and Connecticut by Republican leaders. 

In contrast to the treatment which the police of Wash- 
ington, Boston, and New York had accorded the pickets, the 
police of Chicago were friendly and accommodating. Some- 
times they even held the banners for them. 

Immediately following the nomination of Senator Hard- 
ing, members of the Woman's Party met him in Washington 
in an interview arranged by Genevieve Allen. Miss Paul in- 
troduced Mrs. Albion Lang, Helena Hill Weed, and Florence 
Bayard Hilles, each representing one of the three Repub- 
lican States which had not acted favorably on ratification; 
Mrs. John Carey, Helen Hoy Greeley, Emma Wold and 
Grenevieve Allen, representing women who could vote, and 


Sue White, Mary Ingham, Mrs. John Gordon Battelle, Mrs. 
Donald R. Hooker, representing women who could not vote. 
The interview was utterly unsatisfactory — Senator Harding 
listened and evaded. 

Oh June 15, Lousiana, which met in regular session, de- 
feated ratification. Here, anticipating a little, it may be 
stated that on August 19, North Carolina defeated ratifi- 
cation, also in regular session. 

In the meantime, the Woman's Party turned its atten- 
tion to Tennessee. Up to this time, it had been considered 
impossible to ratify there, as there is a clause in the Ten- 
nessee State Constitution which says that the Tennessee 
Legislature cannot act on any Amendment to the Federal 
Constitution unless a new Legislature is elected between the 
time when the Federal Amendment shall have passed Con- 
gress and its ratification by Tennessee. The decision in the 
Ohio case which was handed down at this moment and which 
indicated that both Tennessee and Florida could ratify 
legally, changed the whole complexion of the Suffrage fight. 
The Ohio decision, it will be remembered, was that ratifica- 
tion was an act of a Legislature which was not subject to a 
referendum to the people. The Woman's Party pointed 
out — and they had consulted many eminent lawyers on this 
subject — that the clause in the Tennessee Constitution was 
equal to requiring a referendum before submitting a con- 
stitutional amendment to the Legislature. Since by the Ohio 
decision a referendum on such a matter was illegal, that 
clause in the Tennessee constitution could not stand in the 
way of ratification by the existing Legislature. Sue White, 
Tennessee State Chairman, instituted an immediate cam- 
paign on Governor ^Roberts, pointing this out to him and 
asking him to call a special session. The Woman's Party 
concentrated on getting the National Democratic leaders to 
bring pressure on Governor Roberts. 

In the meantime, leading Democrats had gathered in San 
Francisco, preparing for their National Convention. Abby 
Scott Baker took charge of the campaign to get the Demo- 


cratic leaders to bring pressure on the Governor of Ten- 
nessee. The Democratic National Committee passed a reso- 
lution calling on the Governor to convene his session. Homer 
S. Cummings, Chairman of the National Democratic Com- 
mittee, called him on long-distance telephone and asked this 
of him. Many others appealed to him. On June 23, Presi- 
dent Wilson telegraphed Governor Roberts as follows : 

It would be a real service to the Party and to the Nation if it 
is possible for you to, under the peculiar provisions of your State 
Constitution, having in mind the recent decision of the Supreme 
Court in the Ohio case, to call a special session of the Legislature 
of Tennessee to consider the Suffrage Amendment. AUow me to 
urge this very earnestly. 

The President also sent a letter to acting United States 
Attorney General William L. Frierson, asking his opinion on 
the constitutionality of ratification by a special session of 
the Tennessee Legislature. 

Mr. Frierson's reply closed with this sentence : 

I am therefore confident that if the Tennessee Legislature is 
called in session, it will have the clear power to ratify the 
Amendment notwithstanding any provision of the Tennessee 

The Democratic National Convention met in San Fran- 
cisco on June 28. On the opening day of the Convention, 
Governor Roberts announced that he would call the session 
on August 9. Among the women who represented the 
Woman's Party at the Convention were Abby Scott Baker, 
Betty Gram, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Mrs. William Kent, Sara 
Bard Field, Ida Finney Mackrille, Izetta Jewel Brown. The 
Democratic Party inserted a plank in their platform en- 
dorsing the Federal Amendment and calling for ratification. 

Tennessee then became the center of the Woman's Party 
campaign — ^a storm center. It was a foregone conclusion 
that a tremendous anti-Suffrage pressure would be brought 
on Tennessee, the last State necessary to ratification, as it 
had been brought on Delaware when Delaware seemed likely 
to be the last State. Alice Paul realized that great national 


political pressure must be brought upon the Tennessee legis- 

Governor Cox, the Democratic nominee, was, of course, 
a focus for most of this political pressure. The Woman's 
Party determined to make him realize, if possible, that 
Tennessee, as a Democratic State, was his responsibility. A 
huge deputation of Woman's Party leaders rrom alt over the 
country called upon Governor Cox in his office in Columbus 
on July 16. Governor Cox said that he would co-operate 
with the Woman's Party in this matter and he asked to have 
a committee appointed to confer with him in regard to Ten- 
nessee. The Democratic National Committee met on July 20. 
The Woman's Party lobbied this Committee and got a reso- 
lution through urging immediate ratification by Tennessee. 
On July 23, Governor Cox conferred with the Committee — 
consisting of Sue White, Anita PoUitzer, arid Mrs. James 
Rector — ^which he had asked Miss Paul to appoint. 

The Republican National Committee met on July 21. 
Anita Pollitzer, Mrs. H. O. Havemeyer, Mrs. James Rector, 
and others saw the members of this Committee and secured 
from them a resolution urging that the Republicans do all 
they could to obtain the last State. 

On July 22, the date of Harding's notification that he was 
nominated for the Presidency, two hundred members of the 
Woman's Party, coming from all over the United States, 
dressed in white and carrying purple, white and gold ban- 
ners, marched through Marion to Senator Harding's lawn. 
The lettered banners, bor^e by two pioneer Suffragists, 
Mrs. L. Crozier French and Mrs. E. C. Green, read : 








Mrs. John Gordon Battelle, Sue White, Mrs. H. O. Have- 
meyer, addressed Senator Harding and told him that he, as 
the Republican leader, had the power to line up the Republi- 
can members of the Tennessee Legislature and would be held 
responsible for them. 

All this time the campaign in Tennessee had been going on. 

That campaign, which was to become fiercer and more in- 
tensive until it moved like a whirlwind, was conducted in three 

First, Sue White, the State Chairman and other members 
of the State organization, assisted by Betty Gram, Catherine 
Flanagan and Anita Follitzer, national organizers, con- 
ducted the campaign. After the Legislature convened Mrs. 
Florence Bayard Hilles, Delaware State Chairman, and Mary 
Winsor, pf the Advisory Council, assisted in Nashville. 
Mabel Reber and Edith Davis carried on an extensive and 
intensive work of publicity. 

Second, in Ohio, Abby Scott Baker, co-operating with Mrs. 
James Rector, kept in close touch with Cox and Harding, 
in order to get them to act upon the specific requests of the 
Woman's Party which began to come from Tennessee. 

Third, Alice Paul remaining in Washington, planned every 
move, and kept in close communication with the political 
leaders who could influence Cox and Harding. 

Sue White, immediately on her arrival at Nashville, 
opened Woman's Party Headquarters and took charge of the 
campaign on the legislators. 

Anita PoUitzer went to the eastern part of the State and 
concentrated on the Republican leaders. 

Betty Gram went to the western part of the State and 
worked in the Speaker's district. 

Catherine Flanagan went into the districts of men soon 
to be elected, and secured pledges from some of the nomi- 
nees that they would support ratification. In one case. 
Miss Flanagan secured the pledge of a Republican candidate 
whose Democratic opponent was a strong anti-Suffragist. 
A prominent Democrat in the district came out in support 


of the Republican nominee because he was for ratification. 

If the three organizers had not made this intensive sur- 
vey of these sections, they would not have realized that 
ratification votes were rapidly dropping away. Legislators 
gave the excuse that although they voted for Presidential 
Suifrage in a previous session, they would not vote for 
ratification in this session because they considered it uncon- 
stitutional. Alarmed at this defection, which was particu- 
larly noticeable among 'the Republican legislators, Anitia Pol- 
litzer secured opinions favorable to the constitutionality of 
ratification by Tennessee at this special session from the 
most eminent legal minds in the State, and sent them to 
each member of the Legislature. 

Anita PoUitzer also sent a telegram to Abby Scott Baker, 
who, it will be remembered, was standing guard over the two 
Presidential candidates in Ohio, stating that the situation de- 
manded Harding's immediate active support. Mrs. Baker 
telegraphed Alice Paul that she had seen Harding in regard 
to this matter and that he had telegraphed two Republican 
Congressmen to give their support to ratification, and his 
friend, ex-Governor Ben Hooper of Tennessee, to send him 
a poll of the Republicans. Immediately on receipt of a 
telegram from Alice Paul giving this information, Anita 
PoUitzer hurried to the " hill-billy " region of the State, 
where ex-Governor Hooper lived. Miss PoUitzer went over 
the entire situation with him in detail, giving him the only 
first-hand information that he bad received. The result was 
that he spent the whole day telephoning the doubtful Repub- 
lican legislators. He also telegraphed Harding that the 
situation was critical and urged him to give aU possible aid to 
the Tennessee situation. 

Miss PoUitzer then told ex-Governor Hooper that it was 
absolutely necessary to have a Republican caucus. Candler, 
the Chairman of the Joint Caucus Committee, was an anti- 
Suffragist. Congressman J. Will Taylor had, however, a 
strong influence with him. Miss PoUitzer started late that 
afternoon for KnoxviUe, where Congressman Taylor lived, 


and arriving early in the evening put her case to him. He 
said that he had voted for Suffrage in Congress and would 
do all he could to help. The next afternoon Miss PoUitzer 
saw Congressman Taylor to see what had been accomplished. 
He said that he had been unable to get Candler all day, 
was leaving the city in an hour. Miss PoUitzer called up the 
operator in Athens. She said, " This is a matter of life and 
death. Congressman Taylor must speak with Senator Can- 
dler. I have been in Athens myself and I know it is such a 
tiny place that you have only to look out of the door to know 
, where Senator Candler is. You must find him for me." In a 
few minutes Senator Candler came to the telephone. Con- 
gressman Taylor asked him if he would call a caucus of the 
Republicans, and he agreed to do it. That night Miss Pol- 
litzer took notices of this to all the papers. A telegram was 
sent to every Republican member urging him to come to the 
Legislature in time to attend this caucus. It was a neces- 
sary step to call this caucus, but it was equally necessary 
that all the important Republican leaders of the State be 
there. Catherine Flanagan and Anita PoUitzer brought 
so much pressure to bear on these leaders— and this in- 
cluded getting their reservations and actually seeing them 
on the train — ^that they were all there. The Republican 
leaders said in effect to the Republican members of the 
Legislature who were present, "We want the RepubUcan 
members of the Legislature to give a majority of votes to 
ratification for the sake of their Party." 

Before the Legislature convened, Betty Gram saw the 
Speaker of the House, Seth Walker, a very influential per- 
son and to the Suffragists, because of his position, probably 
the most important member of the Legislature. He told Miss 
Gram that he was looking into the question of the consti- 
tutionality of ratification at this session, and if he became 
convinced of its constitutionality, he might even lead the fight 
for ratification. A few days later, just before the Legis- 
lature convened, he told Miss White and Miss Gram that he 
had decided that it was constitutional for Tennessee to 


ratify and that they might count on his support. On the 
opening day of the Legislature, Betty Gram asked Speaker 
Walker to go over the poll with her. To her intense astonish- 
ment, he told her that he had changed his mind and could 
not vote for ratification in this session. 

When the Woman's Party forces joined Miss White in 
Nashville at the convening of the Legislature, the town had 
filled with strangers. The anti-Suffrage forces had poured 
into the Capital. Lobbyists for railroads, manufacturing 
interests, and corporations of various kinds, came too. 

One curious member of this army used to interrogate 
legislators as to their views. He said he was a reporter for 
a syndicate. Nobody had ever heard of the syndicate he 
represented. When Parley Christensen, candidate for Presi- 
dent on the Farmer Labor ticket, came to Nashville to help 
with ratification among the labor members of the Legislature, 
he investigated the record of this gentleman, accused him, 
through the Press, of sinister purposes in lobbying. When 
this accusation appeared, the man hastily left town. 

To off-set all this, the Suffragists of the State, as was 
usual in the State campaigns, poured into the Capital. 

The atmosphere of Nashville grew rapidly more active . . . 
tense . . . hectic. 

The Tennessee legislature convened on the ninth of August. 
It ratified on the eighteenth of August. The nine days be- 
tween were characterized by work more intensive than rati- 
fication had yet known. 

The Tennessee campaign was a miniature reproduction of 
the big national campaign which the Woman's Party had 
been waging ever since 1912. Here the Woman's Party 
was confronted with a double responsibility. It had to prove 
to the Democratic governor, Roberts — and it never relaxed 
for an instant in bringing it home to him — ^that he, as leader 
of the dominant Party in this Democratic Legislature, was 
responsible for ratification and could bring it about. In 
addition and at the same time, the Woman's Party had 
to make the Republican minority realize that they were 


responsible for votes favorable to ratification from their 

In all this work in Tennessee, the Woman's Party was 
enormously assisted by the political sagacity of their chair- 
man, Sue White, and the fact that all the politicians recog- 
nized that political sagacity. The experienced politicians 
said that they had never seen a more bitter fight in Tennes- 
see. When the Legislature met, the Suffragists had a ma- 
jority on paper. But they knew from previous experience 
they could not trust this paper majority to remain stable. 

The ratification resolution was introduced in the House 
and the Senate on the same day, August 10. It was referred 
to a committee in both Houses and these committees held a 
joint hearing on August 11. This hearing, a notable and 
picturesque occasion, took place in the great Assembly 
Hall of the Capitol. Both floor and gallery were dotted 
with the colors of the opposing forces. The most famous 
State authorities on constitutional law appeared in behalf 
of the Suffragists. 

The Woman's Party had, of course, immediately ascer- 
tained who were the members of both Houses who always 
supported Governor Roberts' measures. They found that 
many of these were not supporting ratification. They went 
with a list of these men to Governor Roberts, called his 
attention to this significant state of things. They also sent 
the news to Abby Scott Baker, who approached Cox daily on 
the subject. Cox responded by urging Governor Roberts to 
do all in his power to put ratification through. 

Sue White gave out daily statements that were models of 
succinctness and comprehensiveness, which warned Governor 
Roberts that he would be held responsible and warned the 
Democratic Party that it would be held responsible, if ratifi- 
cation did not go through. 

Realizing that they were strongest in the Senate, the 
Woman's Party wanted first to bring the matter to a vote 
there. They accomplished that on August 13, when ratifica- 
tion passed by twenty-five to four. Until this vote was 


cast, the Suffragists themselves did not realize what a degree 
of interest — due to their pressure on and from political 
leaders — they had developed in Tennessee. The vote proved 
a great stimulus to the men of the Lower House, who, up 
to this point, had been much more wavering in their atti- 
tude towards ratification. 

The Capitol in these last few days presented a scene of 
activity on the part of the Woman's Party members such 
as no ratification campaign had ever known. They were at 
the House morning, noon, and night. They had to be there 
all the time because the fact that a member was numbered 
among their forces in the morning did not at all mean that 
he would be among them at night. The enemies of ratifica- 
tion made every possible attempt to steal Suffrage adherents. 
Realizing at last that they could not deflect men who were im- 
movable on the ratification side, they began to introduce mea- 
sures the passage of which would have been tantamount to de- 
feat. For instance, a resolution was suddenly brought up one 
morning providing that the question of ratification should 
be referred to mass-meetings of the people to be held in 
every district on August 21. This would have meant a 
fatal postponement of ratification. Many of the legislators 
would have liked to hide behind a measure of this sort, but 
realizing this, the Woman's Party members told them that 
they would consider such a vote hostile to Suffrage and 
would hold them responsible. The Suffragists obtained suf- 
ficient support against the measure to get it tabled. 

When it came to the last few days, the Woman's Party 
members seemed to work twenty-four hours out of the twenty- 
four, and some think they worked twenty-five. The situa- 
tion was complicated, as always at the last hour, by rumors. 
Reports started and gained force every day that men were 
being bribed; so that legislators, about to declare for Suf- 
frage, were often held up by the feeling that that act might 
lay them open to suspicion. This brought about a condi- 
tion of such uncertainty that neither side. Suffragist nor 
anti-Suffragist, could prophesy the outcome. The instant 


a man wavered, the Woman's Party members, who, before 
the Legislature convened, had been working in the legisla- 
tive districts, immediately got in touch with the political 
leaders who controlled the situation in those districts. Not- 
withstanding that nothing seemed stable at this period, the 
Woman's Party members met every few hours and com- 
pared pollsi These polls served a second purpose. They 
gave political leaders definite data as to the position of 
every man in the Legislature. In all this confusion, the 
Woman's Party always knew where it stood. 

On the morning of the vote the Suffrage workers founded 
up all their legislative forces and saw that they arrived safely 
at the Capitol. More rumors were afloat that legislators 
would change their vote at the last moment. In every case, 
the Woman's Party saw these men again and made them 
realize that they were committed, not only to them, but to 
their political leaders.' 

Just before the vote was taken, Seth Walker ruled all the 
women off the floor of the House. 

Two dramatic incidents marked the close of the cam- 
paign. The hero of one of these episodes was Banks Turner, 
of the other Harry Burn. To the very end the Woman's 
Party was uncertain of both their votes. 

Banks Turner was one of Governor Roberts' closest 
friends. In considering the case of Banks Turner, it must 
always be held in mind that the Woman's Party steadfastly 
kept the Democrats to their pledges through Cox's constant 
pressure on Governor Roberts. It had at last penetrated 
Roberts' psychology that if he permitted ratification to 
fail in Tennessee, the Democrats would be held responsible 
by the women in the coming elections. The Woman's Party 
saw Governor Roberts before the vote and reminded him of 
this. The Woman's Party also saw Cox before the vote and 
reminded him of this ; also reminded him to remind Roberts. 
When the vote was actually imminent, the Roberts forces 
began to get alarmed ; for they realized they had played with 
the issue too long. As has been said Banks Turner was one 


of the Governor's closest friends. Banks Turner had never 
actually said he was against ratification, but he had never 
said he was for it. No Suffragist counted on him. 

As for Harry Burn 

When Anita PoUitzer had been working among Republi- 
can leaders, she had gone to Harry Bum's Republican 
county chairman to ask him if they could count on Harry 
Burn's support for ratification. In her presence, he tele- 
phoned to Harry Burn and assured Miss PoUitzer that the 
Suffragists could depend on him. When Mr. Burn appeared 
in the Legislature, he was approached by Suffragist? and 
anti-Suffragists in close and quick succession. After a while, 
he announced that he was uncertain. The fact that he was 
the youngest member of the Legislature — scarcely more 
than a lad indeed — and that he was immensely popular and 
beloved — seemed to add an especial acuteness to the situa- 
tion. To Suffragists who approached him a few days before 
the vote, he said, " I cannot pledge myself, but I will do noth- 
ing to hurt you." 

Of course that could be translated that he would not vote 
yes, but would not vote no — ^not vote at all in short. 

With the poll virtually a tie, the Suffragists could take 
no chances. Miss PoUitzer telephoned at once to the county 
chairman who had assured her of Harry Burn's vote and 
told him the situation. The next day Betty Gram saw a 
letter, written to Harry Burn by one of the foremost political 
leaders of the State, which practically urged him — ^for his 
own political good — ^to vote no. Members of the Woman's 
Party saw Harry Burn and told him that they knew pressure 
was being brought upon him from State leaders against rati- 
fication. He would make no statement of support but he 
urged them to trust him and begged the Suffragists not to 
tell the political leaders of the State that they knew these 
political leaders had broken faith and were persuading him 
not to vote for ratification. He was obviously much wrought 
up over the situation. 

The date of the vote came and on the Suffrage poll, Harry 


Burn was still marked doubtful. When he appeared in the 
corridors of the House, however, he wore the red rose of the 
anti-Suffragists. One of the Woman's Party organizers 
said to him just before the vote was taken, " We really 
trusted you, Mr. Burn, when you said that you would never 
hurt us." He said, " I mean that — my vote will never hurt 

Still he continued to wear the red rose of the anti-Suffra- 
gists . . . 

It was known to many that Harry. Burn had recently 
received a letter from his mother asking him to support rati- 
fication. It was known only to the Woman's Party how 
much political pressure to support it had been brought upon 

The supreme moment arrived. Ninety-six members were 
present oiit of a total membership of ninety-nine. The first 
test of strength came in a motion to table the Resolution. 
Harry Burn's name was called early in the roll. True to 
the promise of that red rose, he voted yes. The roll-call 
went on, the members answering exactly according to ex- 
pectation. What would Banks Turner do ? If he voted with 
the Suffragists, the result would be a tie, forty-eight to 
forty-eight ; the motion would not be tabled. His name was 
called; he did not answer. The vote was now inevitably 
forty-eight to forty-seven for the motion to table. jAU 
seemed lost. But before the final announcement of the vote. 
Turner arose and after a moment's hesitation said : 

" I wish to be recorded as against the motion to table." 

The Resolution was still before the House, but this test 
vote showed a tie — one short of a majority. 

Then came the final vote. 

Now the stillness was like death. Unless Turner stayed 
with tiie Suffragists and, in addition, another vote was 
gained, the Amendment was lost. When Harry Burn's name 
was called, he answered in a clear, loud voice, " Yes." The 
death-like stillness settled again over the audience in the 


galleries as the roll-call approached the name of Banks 
Turner. He had voted against tabling; that did not make it 
certain that he would vote for the Resolution. 

" Banks Turner ! " called the clerk. 

" Yes," he answered in a solemn, low voice. 

The Resolution had carried — forty-nine to forty-seven. 

Instantly Speaker Walker, white-faced, was on his feet. 
" I change my vote from ' No ' to ' Yes,' " he said. Of course 
he made this lightning change in order that he might move to 
reconsider the Resolution. But he missed one point. The 
vote now stood fifty to forty-six. His vote had given the 
Resolution a constitutional majority, that is a majority, not 
only of the membership present of the Lower House but of 
the entire Lower House. Unwittingly, Speaker Walker 
killed one legal attack already prepared by the anti-Suf- 
fragists in case the measure should pass. 

An uproar of enthusiasm greeted the vote. State 
leaders who had assisted the Suffrage campaign, yelled, 
clapped, stamped. Women alternately laughed and wept; 
cheered and applauded'. " One legislator producing a bell 
from somewhere, rang it steadily. As for the Suffra- 
gists themselves, naturally they went wild with joy; par- 
ticularly the Tennessee women, who were triumphant that 
their State had proved to be the needed thirty-sixth to give 
the franchise to women. 

Of course, the anti-Suffragist red roses were in great 
evidence all during the voting. But after the vote was 
taken, they seemed to fade into the background. The 
yellow jonquils of the Suffragists, the great purple, white, 
and gold banners of tlje Woman's Party made tiny flares 
and big slashes of light and color everywhere. 

The bizarre and sensational moves of the opposition — the 

, withdrawal of the anti-Suffragist members of the Tennessee 

Assembly to Alabama until the Suffrage members got tired 

and went home, the return of the anti-Suffragist members, 

their assembly in a Rump Legislature, their " reconsidered " 


vote against the Amendment — all that seemed important at 
the time. Now it has faded to insignificance. The anti-Suf- 
fragists, on this and other grounds, instituted a suit against 
the validity of the Tennessee ratification. That suit and six 
attacks, also directed against the validity of ratification, are 
still pending. 

In the meantime, however, Connecticut has ratified. 

In brief, the facts in regard to Connecticut are these: 
Governor Marcus Holcomb, one of the foremost anti- 
Suffragists in the country, called a session of the Connect- 
icut legislature to provide the legal machinery to enable 
the women of Connecticut to vote in the coming elections. 
The call was issued for September 14. The Suffragists 
instantly took advantage of this special session to insti- 
tute a campaign for ratification. 

In addressing the legislators, Governor Bolcomb said 
in effect : " Do not ratify this session. It will be illegal, 
as ratification was not mentioned in my call. I will call 
you again for that purpose a week from today." 

Nevertheless Connecticut ratified on September 14. 

Catherine Flanagan of the Woman's Party personally 
brought the ratification from the Secretary of State of 
Connecticut to the State Department in Washington. (^ 

A week later, to avoid any question as to the legality 
of the first ratification, which had been attacked on the 
ground that the subject was not included in the gover- 
nor's message, Connecticut ratified again. 

The women of the United States voted in the Presiden' 
tial election of 1920. 



Oh, ypu of the unquenchable spirit — ^ 

How I adore you! 

I could light forever the waning fires of my courage 
At the incessant, upleaping flame of your being! 

You, — creature of light and color and vivid emotions — 

Of radiant action, — who ever could dream of you passive. 

Submissive, your small self stilled into lazy contentment? 

You, fired with the beauty of ardor. 

Lovely with love for all that is clean and earnest and forceful. 

Yourself daring anything 

So long as it be for Womanhood, and the cause of justice and 

progress — 
Daring to lead and daring to follow — 
Giving us each of your unfailing inspiration. 

You, over whom the jeers and the mockings and the ugly thoughts 

of those who understand not 
Pass lightly, like a spent breath of foul air in a still cavern, 
Unfiicking the steadfast torch of you — 
I could re-light forever the waning fires of my courage 
At the incessant, upleaping flame of your being! 

Elizabeth Kalb, 
The Sufragist, January 25, 1919. 

In 1917 occurred the great leap forward in the activity 
of fhe Woman's Party; in swift succession came the pick- 
eting; the burning of the President's words; the Watch- 
fires of Freedom. And Headquarters from 1917 on — as 
can be easily imagined — ^was a feverishly busy place. 
From the instant the picketing started, it grew electric with 
action. As for the work involved in making up the con- 
stant accession of picket line^ 



It was not easy at an instant's notice to find women who 
had the time to picket. But always there were some 
women willing to picket part of the time and some willing 
to picket all of the time. Mary Gertrude Fendall was in 
charge of this work. That her office was no sinecure is 
evident from the fact that on one occasion alone — that 
memorahle demonstration of March 4, 1917 — she pro- 
vided a line of nearly a thousand. Of course, too, as fast 
as the women went to jail, other women had to be found to 
fill their places. In those days Miss Fendall lived at the 
telephone and between telephone calls, she wrote letters 
which invited sympathizers to come from distant States to 
join the banner-bearing forces. Those women who could 
always be depended on for picketing were, in the main. 
Party sympathizers living in Washingibon; Party work- 
ers permanently established at Headquarters; organizers 
come back suddenly from their regular work. But volun- 
teers came too — volunteers from the District of Colum- 
bia and from all parts of the United States. In the winter, 
as has been before stated, picketing was a cold business. The 
women found that they had to wear a surprising amount of 
clothes — sweaters and coats, great-coats, mufflers, arctics 
and big wooUy gloves. Many of the pickets left these ex- 
tra things at Heaqpiarters and the scramble to disengage 
rights and lefts of the gloves and arctics was one of the 
amusing details of the operation of the picket line. Ban- 
ners took up space too ; but they added their cheering color 
to the picture. 

When the arrests began, the atmosphere grew more 
tense and even more busy. But just as — when trouble 
came — a golden flood poured into the Woman's Party trea- 
sury, so volunteer pickets came in a steadily lengthening 
line. Anne Martin had said to the Judge who sentenced 
her„' "Salong as you send women to jail for asking for 
freedom, just so long will there be women willing to go to 
jail for such a cause." This proved to be true. Volun- 
teers for this gruelling experience continued to appear 


from all over the country. Mrs. Grey of Colorado, send- 
ing her twenty-two year old daughter, Nathalie, into the 
battle, said: 

I have no son to fight for democracy abroad, and so I send 
my daughter to fight for democracy at home. 

It interested many of the Woman's Party members to 
study the first reactions of the police to the strange situa- 
tion the picketing brought about. Most of the policemen 
did not enjoy maltreating the girls. Some of them were 
stupid and a few of them were brutal, but many of them 
were kind. They always deferred to Lucy Burns with an 
air of profound respect — Miss Lucy, they called her. But 
a curious social element entered into the situation. Large 
numbers of the women were well-known Washingtonians. 
The police were accustomed to seeing them going about the 
city in the full aura of respected citizenship. It was very 
difficult often, to know — in arresting them — what social 
tone to adopt. 

Mrs. Gilson Gardner tells an amusing story of her first 
arrest. In the midst of her picketing, an officer suddenly 
stepped up to her. He said politely : " It is a very beau- 
tiful day." She concurred. They chatted. He was in 
the meantime looking this way and that up the Avenue. 
Suddenly, still very politely, he said : " I think the patrol 
will be along presently." Not until then did it dawn on 
Mrs. Gardner that she was arrested. 

Later, when the Watchfires were going, Mrs, Gardner 
was again arrested while she was putting wood on the 
flames. There was a log in her arms : " Just a minute, 
officer," she said, in her gentle, compelling voice, and the 
officer actually waited while she crossed the pavement and 
put the remaining log on the fire. Later, when Mrs. 
Gardner's name was called in the court, she decided that 
she preferred to stand, rather than sit in the chair desig- 
nated for the accused. The policeman started to force 
her down. Again she said, in the gentle, compelling tone: 


" Please do not touch me, officer ! " and he kept his hands 
off her from that time forth. 

Of course, the unthinking made the usual accusation 
that these women were doing all this for notoriety. That 
was a ridiculous statement, whose disproof was easy. The 
character and quality of the women themselves were its 
best denial. The women who composed the Woman's 
Party were of all kinds and descriptions; they emerged 
from all ranks and classes; they came from all over the 
United States. The Party did not belong exclusively to 
women of great wealth and social position, although there 
were many such in its list of membership; and some of 
these belonged to families whose fortunes were internation- 
ally famous. It did not belong exclusively to working 
women, although there were thousands of them in its 
ranks; and these represented almost every wage-e&rning 
task at which women toil. It did not belong exclusively 
to women of the arts or the professions; although scores 
of women, many nationally famous and some internation- 
ally famous, lent their gifts to the furtherance of the 
work. It did not belong exclusively to the women of the 
home, although scores of wives left homes, filled with the 
beauty which many generations of cultivation had accum- 
ulated — left these homes and left children; and although 
equal numbers left homes of a contrasting simplicity and 
humbleness — ^left these homes and left children to go to 
jail in the interests of the movement. It may be said, per- 
haps, that the rank and file were characterized by an influ- 
ential solidity, that they were women, universally respected 
in their communities, necessary to it. It was an all- 
woman movement. Indeed, often women who on every 
other possible opinion were as far apart as the two poles, 
worked together for the furtherance of the Federal 
Amendment. On one occasion, for instance, on the picket 
line, two women who could not possibly have found a sin- 
gle intellectual congeniality except the enfranchisement of 
women stood side by side. One was nationally and inter- 


nationally famous as a conservative of great fortune. The 
other was nationally and internationally famous as a radi- 
cal. In other words, one stood at the extreme right of 
conservatism and the other at the extreme left of radical- 
ism. It was as though, among an archipelago of differ- 
ing intellectual interests and social convictions, the Party 
members had found one little island on which they could 
stand in an absolute unanimity; stand ready to fight — ^to 
the death, if it were necessary — ^for that conviction. 

Some of the stories which they tell at Headquarters to 
illustrate the Pan-woman quality of the Party are touch- 
ingly beautiful. There is the case, for instance, of a woman 
government clerk, self-supporting, a widow, and the 
mother of a little girl. Every day for weeks, she had 
passed that line of pickets standing silently at the White 
House gates. She heard the insults that were tossed to 
the women. She saw the brutalities which were inflicted 
on them. She witnessed arrests. Something rose within 
fluttered . . . tore at her. . , . One day when Alice 
Paul was picketing, this young woman, suit-case in 
hand, appeared before her. She said " I am all ready to 
picket if you need me. I have made all the necessary ar- 
rangements in case I am arrested. Where shall I go to 
join your forces so that I may picket today? " She was 
arrested that afternoon and sent to prison. 

Two other government clerks, who appeared on the 
picket line, were arrested and jailed. They appealed to 
the government authorities for a month's leave of absence 
on the score of their imprisonment. All these three 
women, of course, ran the risk of losing their positions. 
But in their case the instinct to serve their generation 
was stronger than the instinct to conserve any material 
safety. It is pleasant to record that they were not com- 
pelled to make this sacrifice. Others, however, suffered. 
A school teacher in the Woman's Party, for instance, lost 
her position because of her picketing. 

If the foregoing is not denial enough of the charge, com- 


mon when the picketing began, that these women were no- 
toriety-seeking fanatics, perhaps nothing will bring con- 
viction. It scarcely seems however that the most obsti- 
nate antagonist of the Woman's Party would like to be- 
lieve that delicately reared women could enjoy, even for 
the sake of notoriety — aside from the psychological effect 
of spiders and cockroaches everywhere, worms in their 
food, vermin in their beds, rats in their cells — the brutali- 
ties to which they were submitted. Yet many women who 
/had endured this once, came back to endure it again and 

One of the strong points of the Woman's Party was its 
fairness. In reference to the President, for instance, 
Maud Younger used to say that the attitude of the 
Woman's Party to him was like that of a girl who wants a 
college education. She teases her father for it without 
cessation, but she goes on loving him just the same. 
Another strong point of the Woman's Party was its sense 
of humor on itself. They tell with great delight the amus- 
ing events of this period — of the grinning street gamin 
who stood and read aloud one of the banners, How long 
must women wait for liberty? and then yelled : " T'ree 
months yous'U be waitin' — in Occoquan." — of a reporter 
who, coming into Headquarters in search of an interview, 
found a child sliding down the bannisters. Before he 
could speak, the child announced in a tone of proud tri- 
umph : " My mother's going to prison." 

A story they particularly like is of that young couple 
who, having had no bridal trip at the time of their marriage, 
came to Washington for a belated honeymoon. They vis- 
ited Headquarters together. The bride became so inter- 
ested in the picketing that she went out with one of the 
picket-lines and was arrested. She spent her belated 
honeymoon in jail, and the groom spent his belated honey- 
moon indignantly lobbying the Congressmen of his own 

Later, when they were lighting the Watchfires of Free- 


dom on the White House pavement, the activity at Head- 
quarters was increased one hundred-fold. 

The pickets themselves refer to that period as the most 
" messy and mussy " in their history. Everything and 
everybody smelled of kerosene. All the time, there was 
one room in which logs were kept soaking in this pervasive 
fluid. When they first started the Watchfires they carried 
the urn and the oil-soaked logs openly, to the appointed spot 
on the pavement in front of the White House. Later, 
when the arrests began and the fires had to be built so 
swiftly that they had to abandon the urn, they carried 
these logs under coats or capes. The White House pave- 
ment was always littered with charred wood even when the 
Watchfires were not going. Once the fires were started it 
was almost impossible to put them out. Kerosene-soaked 
wood is a very obstinate substance. Water had no effect 
on it. Chemicals alone extinguished it. Amazed crowds 
used to stand watching these magic flames. Often when 
the policemen tried to stamp the fires out, they succeeded 
only in scattering them. 

It was an extraordinary effect, too, when the policemen 
were busy putting out one fire, to see others start up, in 
this corner of the Park, in that corner, in the great bronze 
urn, near the center. 

Building a fire in that bronze urn was as difficult a mat- 
ter as it seems. A Woman's Party member, glancing out 
from a stairway window at the top of the house at Head- 
quarters, had noted how boldly the urn stood out from the 
rest of the Park decoration. . . . 

At three o'clock one morning, Julia Emory and Hazel 
Hunkins, two of the youngest and tiniest pickets, bore over 
to the Park from Headquarters several baskets of wood 
which they concealed in the shadows under the trees. The 
next problem was to get a ladder there without being 
seen. They accomplished this in some way, dragging it 
over the ground, slow foot after slow foot, and placed it 
against the urn. At intervals the policeman on the beat, 

Every Good Suffragist the Morning After Ratification. 
Nina Allender in The Suffragist. 


who was making the entire round — or square — o#» the 
Park, passed. While one girl mounted the rudder and 
filled the urn with oil-soaked paper, oil-soaked wood, and 
liberal libations of oil, the other remained on guard. 
When the guard gave the word that the policeman was 
near, the two girls threw themselves face downward on the 
frozen grass. It is a very large urn and by this stealthy 
process it took hours to fill it. It was two days before 
they started the fire. Anybody might have seen the logs 
protruding from the top of the urn during those two days, 
but nobody did. 

The day on which the urn projected itself into 
the history of the Woman's Party, the Watchfires 
were burning for the first time on the White House pave- 
ments. The street and the Park were filled with people. 
A member of the Woman's Party, passing the urn, fur- 
tively threw into it a lighted asbestos coil. The urn in- 
stantly belched flames which threatened to lick the sky. 
The police arrested every Woman's Party member in sight. 
All the way down the street as the patrol carried them 
away. Hazel Hutchins and Julia Emory saw the flames flaring 
higher and higher. 

"How did they do that.''" one man was heard to say. 
" I've been here the whole afternoon and I didn't see them 
light it." 

Twice afterwards fires were started in the urn. For 
that matter, fires were started there after the police had 
set a watch on it. 

Hazel Hunkins, young, small, slender, took the urn un- 
der her special patronage. One of the pictures the 
Woman's Party likes to draw is the time Hazel was ar- 
rested there. She had climbed up onto the pedestal and 
was throwing logs into the pool of oil when two huge 
policemen descended upon her. The first seized one foot 
and the second seized the other ; and they both pulled hard. 
Of course in these circumstances, it was impossible for her 
to move. But she is an athlete and she clung tight to the 


urn iSdge. Still the policemen pulled. Finally she said 
gently, " If you will let go of my feet, I will come down 

Later asbestos coils were introduced into the campaign. 
This — from the police point of view — ^was more annoying 
than the kerosene-soaked logs; for they were compact to 
carry, easy to handle, difficult to put out, and they lasted 
a long, long time. 

Another picture the Woman's Party likes to draw is of 
Mildred Morris starting asbestos coils. With her nimbus 
of flaming hair, Miss Morris seemed a flame herself. She 
was here, there, everywhere. The police could no more 
catch up with her than they could with a squirrel. One 
night, with the assistance of two others, she — unbeliev- 
ably — ^fastened some asbestos coils among the White 
House trees; but to her everlasting regret the guardls 
found them before the illumination could begin. ' 

The stories they tell about arrests at this time are end- 
less. Little Julia Emory, who was arrested thirty-four 
times, is a repository of lore on this subject. 

They were a great trial to the police — the arrests of 
these later months. While under detention, the pickets 
used to organize impromptu entertainments. This was 
during the period, when at their trials, the Suffragistk 
would answer no questions and the court authorities werb 
put to it to establish their identities. They related with 
great glee how in his efforts to prove Annie ArnielHs 
identity, a policeman described one of their concerts in 

And then, your Honor, that one there said, " We'll now have 
a comb solo from a distinguished combist, who has played before 
all the crowned heads of Europe, Annie Arniel," and then, your 
Honor, the defendant got up and played a tune on a comb. 

When, for instance. Suffragists refused bail, the police 
did not like to hold them overnight because it was such an 
expense to the District of Columbia to feed them. Julia 


Emorj describes one evening when a roomful of them, 
arrested, and having refused to put up bail, were wait- 
ing the will of the powers. During this wait, which lasted 
several hours, they entertained themselves by singing. 

Once a policeman came in : 

" Will you pay your bail if we put it at twenty-five dol- 

" No," answered the pickets promptly. 

He went out, but later he returned. 

" Will you pay your bail if we put it at five dollars? " 

" No." 

" Then march out." 

But those light moments were only foam thrown up from 
serious and sometimes desperate times. When a crowd of 
ex-pickets gather together and indulge in reminiscences, ex- 
traordinary revelations occur. Looking at their faces and 
estimating their youth, one wonders at a world which per- 
mitted one per cent of these things to happen. 

And as for their experiences with the mobs. . . . Not 
the least of the psychological factors in the situation was 
the slow growth of the crowds; the circle of little boys who 
gathered about them first, spitting at them, calling them 
names, making personal comments; then the gathering 
gangs of young hoodlums who encouraged the boys to fur- 
ther insults; then more and more crowds; more and more 
insults; the final struggle. 

Often of course the pickets stood against the White 
House fence, an enormous mob packed in front of them, 
with the knowledge that police protection — according to 
the orders of the day — ^might be given them or might not. 
. . . Sometimes that crowd would edge nearer and nearer 
until there was but a foot of smothering, terror-fraught 
space between them and the pictets. Literally those 
women felt they had their backs to the wall. Occasion- 
ally they had to mount the stone coping! Always too they 
feared that any sudden movement within the packed, 
slowly approaching hostile crowd might foam into vio- 


lence. Occasionally, when the police followed orders to 
protect the pickets, violent things happened to people in 
the crowd. Catherine Flanagan saw a plain-clothes man 
hit six sailors over the head in succession with a billy. TTiey 
went down like nine pins. Yet when after hours of a 
seemingly impressive waiting the actual struggle came — 
something — some spiritual courage bigger than themselves 
— impelled them to hold on to their banner poles to the last 
gasp. They were big in circumference — ^those banner 
poles — ^but the girls clutched them so tightly that often it 
took three policemen to wrench them away. Catherine 
Flanagan had deep gashes on the inside of her palms where 
her own nails had penetrated her flesh and great wounds 
on the outside of her hands T^here the policemen had dug 
their n^ils into them. Virginia Arnold's hands and arms 
were torn as though in a struggle with some wild beast. 

Yet, I repeat, Headquarters saw its lighter moments 
even in those most troubled times. And during those 
most troubled times, that gay spirit of youth managed to 
maintain itself. The onlookers marveled at it. But it 
was only because it was a spiritual quality — ^youth of the 
soul, in addition to youth of the body — that it could en- 
dure. During the course of the eight years of its history, 
the members of the Woman's Party had been subjected to 
disillusion after disillusion. The older ones among them 
bore this succession of shocks with that philosophy which 
a long experience in public affairs engenders. But the 
younger ones — ^believing at first, as youth always believes, 
in the eternal verities, and in their eternal prevalence — 
witnessed faith-shaking sights and underwent even more 
faith-shaking experiences. 

In their contact with public men, they saw such a man 
as Borah for instance — perhaps the chief of the Knights 
of the Double Cross — give the Woman's Party what virtu- 
ally amounted to his pledged word to support the Amend- 
ment and then coolly repudiate it. They saw Moses of 
New Hampshire play a quibbling trick on them which in- 


volved them in weeks of the hardest kind of work only 
calmly to ignore his own pledge at the end. They con- 
tended with such differing personalities as the cold, cul- 
tured mind, immutably set in the conventions of a past 
generation, of Henry Cabot Lodge; the unfairness, or 
fatuity, or brutality of such men as Penrose of Pennsyl- 
vania, Thomas of Colorado, Wadsworth of New York, 
Reed of Missouri, Brandegee of Connecticut, Hoke Smith 
of Georgia. 

When the picketing began, they saw outside forces get 
their Headquarters from them; saw them influence scores 
of property owners sometimes after an advance rent had 
been paid, not to let houses to them; saw them try to influ- 
ence the people who gave money, to withhold such financial 
support; saw them try to influence the newspapers to be 
less impartial in their descriptions of Woman's Party 
activities. As the picketing went on and the burning of 
the President's words and the Watchfires succeeded it — 
while they were exercising their inalienable right of peace- 
ful protest — they knew the experience of being harried by 
mobs at the very door of the President of the United 
States ; harried while the President passed in his carriage 
through their midst; later to be harried in collaboration 
by both mobs and police. Under arrest and in prison, 
they underwent experiences which no one of them would 
have believed possible of the greatest republic in the world. 
They were held incommunicado; they could see neither 
counsel nor Party members. They were offered food filled 
with worms. They were submitted to incredible brutali- 

And yet, I have said that spirit of youth prevailed. It 
prevailed because they were speaking for their generation. 
They developed a sense of devotion to their ideal of free- 
dom which would have stopped short of no personal sacri- 
fice not death itself. They developed a sense of comrade- 
ship for each other which was half love, half admiration 
and aU reverence. In summing up a fellow worker, they 


speak first of her " spirit," and her " spirit " is always 
heautifvl, or noble, or glorious, or some such